CC BY-NC-ND
13
Anna Kuritsyna
Higher School of Economics, Moscow; linnansaari@gmail.com
Suspended affixation with Tocharian adjectival suffix A -si / B -sse and its possible parallel in Old Uighur
In this paper, I discuss a hitherto undescribed property of the Tocharian adjectival suffixes (most commonly A -si / B -sse, more rarely also -tstse and -nne) to be shared by conjuncts. I will attempt to prove that such constructions are based on coordinated nouns and not on dvandva-type compounds, and compare Tocharian data with the situation in the areally close Old Uighur. If my assumption is correct, suspended affixation is possible not only with inflectional morphemes of secondary cases, but also with derivational ones, although the latter phenomenon is less widely spread in Tocharian.
Keywords: group derivation, suspended affixation, Tocharian adjectival suffixes, Old Uighur language, areal contacts
Introduction
The Tocharian adjectival suffix A -si / B -sse is well known for its agglutinative properties. As pointed out in previous works, it is usually added not to the stem, but to the oblique (= accusative)1 form of a word, which can be Obl.Sg. as well as Obl.Pl. or Obl.Du. (Sieg, Sieg-ling, Schulze 1931: 23; Krause, Thomas 1960: 144; Pinault 1992: 101; Zimmer 1982/83: 278; Adams 2009: 302). Cf. B klesasse and klesanmasse from kles Nom.-Acc.Sg., klesanma Nom.-Acc.Pl. "affliction"; asamkhyaisse and asamkhyaintasse from Nom.-Acc.Sg. asamkhyai, Nom.-Acc.Pl. asam-khyainta "incalculably long period of time"; ekasse and esnesse from Nom.-Acc.Sg. ek, Nom.-Acc.Dual. esane "eye". In this regard A -si / B -sse behaves similarly to secondary case suffixes which also require Obl.
Another remarkable property of A -si / B -sse is the adjectivization of modified nouns (Adams 2009: 304-305), cf.:
larenampa sinmalne-sse palskalne (B 511 a3)
dear:Pl.m:Comit coming-Adj thought2
"The idea of coming together with the dear ones".
wrocy akalkantse knelne-sse tsarwo (B 591 a6)
big:Acc.Sg.m wish:Gen.Sg fulfillment-Adj joy "The joy of the fulfillment of a big wish".
Already in the edition of Tocharian A texts (Sieg, Siegling 1921) A -si is consequently transliterated separately. According to Zimmer (1982/83: 277), the first editors of Tocharian manuscripts would treat this formant as an enclitical word expressing "grammatical relations of manyfold kind".
1 The Tocharian accusative is traditionally called oblique because it serves as the basis for secondary case forms (Pinault 2008: 462; Krause, Thomas 1960: 78).
2 Here and below only glosses for marked grammatical meanings are indicated. The coinciding Nom-Acc. is unmarked and thus not glossed, e.g. Nom-Acc.Pl.f is glossed as Pl.f.
Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 16/4 (2018) • Pp. 265-276 • © The authors, 2018
Indeed, this suffix does not provide any special meaning, and, as noticed in Hajnal 2004: 139, the use of A -si / B -sse adjectives generally corresponds to the use of genitive in most other Indo-European languages.
Along with the peculiarities mentioned above, the suffix A -si, B -sse has one more agglutinative feature which has not yet been specially described: namely, it can adjectivize coordinated nouns. In such constructions - rather marginal in Tocharian A and quite well presented in Tocharian B - the adjectival suffix behaves similarly to secondary case affixes in that it links only the last word in a chain of conjuncts. Cf. the following Tocharian B examples of adjectivi-zation with -sse and examples of suspended affixation3 with the perlative suffix -sa for one and the same pair of words:
(1) kest yokai-sse lakle (B 284 a2) hunger thirst:Acc.Sg-Adj suffering "The suffering of hunger and thirst"
vs. kest yokai-sa (B 286 b3) hunger thirst:Acc.Sg-Perl "Because of hunger and thirst"
(2) sklok pr(o)sk(ai-sse or)k(a)mne (PK AS 17K a1) doubt fear:Acc.Sg-Adj darkness
"The darkness of doubt and fear". vs. sklok proskai-sa (B 409 a1)
doubt fear:Acc.Sg-Perl "Because of doubt and fear"
The problem with the treatment of such constructions is the ambiguity whether adjectivized words comprise a syntagm or a dvandva compound. Namely, hendiadyses are highly frequent in Tocharian literary texts, and if the Nom. and Acc. forms of non-final elements in such expressions coincide, i.e. coordination of non-final elements with the oblique of the final element is not explicitly marked, it is impossible to define their syntactic status - as it is for the words kest and sklok in the examples cited above.
However, along with the cases where dvandvas and conjuncts are indistinguishable, at least Tocharian B has examples of adjectivization with -sse which can be treated as cases of suspended affixation due to some morphosyntactic characteristics. These cases will be treated further in detail (Section 2.1), as well as the few found examples from Tocharian A (Section 2.2). I will also try to find out whether this derivational model is possible with two other very productive Tocharian B suffixes -tstse and -nne (Section 3). After that I will attempt to find typological and areal parallels to such constructions in some other languages, first of all in Old Uighur (Section 4). All sources for used translations will be indicated unless they are specifically proposed by the author.
1. A -si / B -s$e from the diachronic point of view
The exact origin of A -si / B -sse is unknown. Traditionally two reconstructions have been proposed: *-syo ~ -*siyo (Ringe 1996: 117; Hajnal 2004: 140) or *-skyo- (Van Windekens 1979: 133). However, both PIE morphemes would formally coincide in Tocharian after palatalization.
3 The term 'suspended affixation' has been introduced in Lewis 1967: 35 for cases "when one grammatical ending serves two or more parallel words" and thus describes group inflection in coordination.
As already noticed in the introduction, synchronically this suffix seems to join the Obl. form of the word which replicates the use of Tocharian secondary case suffixes. However, the statement about A -si / B -sse being added to the oblique (=Acc.) case is hardly applicable to Tocharian A where Nom.Sg. and Acc.Sg forms are usually indistinguishable, and not completely true for Tocharian B where, although rarely, -sse can be found added to the thematic vowel of the oblique stem, cf. witsakasse (in B 530 a2) < Nom.Sg. witsako, Acc.Sg. witsakai, Acc.Pl witsakam "root" (i.e. not *witsakaisse or *witsakamse). Thus, it would be probably more appropriate to say that A -si / B -sse is added to the oblique stem, which mostly coincides with the oblique case.
As shown in Hajnal 2004: 141-143, this must have been the exact situation in diachronic perspective: the suffix A -si / B -sse was originally added to the stem and not to the oblique case form, but a formal identity of some stem types (PIE u-, o- and occlusive stems) and Obl.Sg. in the common Tocharian period resulted in a reinterpretation of the whole derivational model of A -si / B -sse.
At any rate, cases such as witsakasse are relatively isolated, while the enumerated agglutinative features can be observed throughout the whole relative chronology4 of Tocharian B manuscripts (there has been no special dating of linguistic stages of Tocharian A texts for now).
2. Adjectivization of conjuncts by means of A -si / B -sse
2.1. Situation in Tocharian B
Word sequences that underlie adjectives ending in B -sse can be regarded as coordinated nouns due to the following reasons.
1. While the form to which the suffix -sse is directly added may be a stem without inflexion (cf. witsakasse mentioned above), the non-final forms which -sse also refers to represent a morphological word. This word is always an Obl. if distinguishable from Nom.:
(3) kektsen reki palsko-sse astrem (warsalne) PK AS 7L a2) body:Acc.Sg word mind-Adj pure:Acc.Sg.m exercise
"(Basis for) a pure exercise of body, word, [and] mind" (CEToM).
(4) atiyai pisal melte ora-sse puwar (B 194 b1) grass:Acc.Sg chaff dung wood-Adj fire
"A fire of grass, chaff, dung and wood" (Adams 2013: 9).
(5) patar matar sasuwer-sse laressana nemna (B 266 a2-3) father:Acc.Sg mother:Acc.Sg son*-Adj dear:Pl.f name:Pl
"The dear names of father, mother, children"5 (Adams 2013: 595).
(The adjective sasuwersse "pertaining to a son" is based on the independently unattested form sasuwer. The latter corresponds morphologically to the verbal noun in -r (whose Nom.Sg. and Acc.Sg coincide) from an unattested PPt *sasu "born (?)", cf. Winter 1985: 260-261).
4 See Peyrot 2008.
5 Remarkably, the suffix -sse in sasuwersse is not coordinated with Nom.Pl.f nemna "names" (i.e. Nom.-Acc.Sg. sasuwersse and not Nom.-Acc.Pl.f *sasuwerssana, cf. the following adjective laressana with the same suffix). The probable explanation is that the three attributives patar(sse), matar(sse) and sasuwersse refer logically not to one and the same multitude of "nouns" expressed with the plural nemna, but each corresponds to just one of the components of this multitude ("father's name, mother's name and son's name").
2. Adjectivized chains of words can demonstrate either single use of the suffix -sse that is joined only to the final element, or its repetition after each word. Therein as well, the suffix -sse behaves similarly to the secondary case affixes, for which suspended affixation is optional. Cf. the example (3) mentioned earlier, B 7 a8 and B 386 b3:
(6) kektsen reki-ssana krenta : /// (B 7 a8) body:Acc.Sg word-Adj:Pl.f good:Acc.Pl.f
"The good (deeds) in (mind), body and words" (CEToM).
(7) kektsena-sse (re)k(i)-sse se sil westra • /// (B 386 b3) body:Acc.Sg-Adj word-Adj this moral behavior speak:Mid.3s.Prs "This moral behavior of body and word is spoken of" (Adams 2013: 634).
Another case of variative repetition of -sse is found in the following examples with the enumeration of the beings of different rebirths (Nom-Acc.Sg. nrai "hell (beings)", Nom-Acc.Pl. lwasa "animals" and Acc.Pl. pretem "preta ghosts") quite frequent in Tocharian and other Buddhist texts from East Turkestan:
(8) nakciyana samnana rupanma satkasamai divine:Pl.f human:Pl.f form:Pl pervade:Mid.1s.Pt taisa nrai lwasa prete-ssana • (IOL 4 b5)
thus hell animal:Pl ghost-Adj:Pl.f
"I have pervaded divine and human forms ..., thus [also] hell, animal and preta [forms]" (CEToM).
(9) /// po wesennai nakcyai samnai nrai lwasa-ssai
all voice: Acc.Sg divine: Acc.Sg.f human:Acc.Sg.f hell animal:Pl-Adj:Acc.Sg.f pretem-ssai: (PK AS 13C b7) ghost:Acc.Pl-Adj.Sg.f
"Every voice, divine [or] human, [or of] animals, [or of] hell [or of] pretas" (CEToM).
(10) nrai(-sse lwa-sse) preten-se tnek nai ksanti kalale (B 554 b5-b6) hell-Adj animal-Adj ghost:Acc.Pl-Adj here Emp forgiveness achieve:Ger
"For hellish [being], animal or preta, only here [is] forgiveness achievable" (Adams 2013: 295). It should be however noticed here that the suffix is a conjecture for two first adjectives in this example.
A parallel to these adjectives is provided by the examples with variative repetition of the secondary case Loc. B -ne:
(11) nrai lwasa sle prete(n-ne neka)t lakle hell animal:Pl and ghost:Acc.Pl-Loc destroy:2s.Sbj suffering emsketstse : 2 II (PK AS 17A b4-5)
completely
"You will completely destroy sorrow among the hell-[beings], the animals and the pretas" (CEToM).
(12) nrai-ne laklenta preten-ne sle lwasa-ne : (B 284 b3) hell-Loc suffering:Pl ghost:Acc.Pl-Loc and animal:Pl-Loc "The sufferings among hellish (beings), pretas and animals".
3. The adjectivized chains of conjuncts can vary in length, e.g. the following cases with the enumeration of the concepts kles yamor vastu (Skt. klesa karma vastu) "affliction, deed, basis":
(13) kles yamor vastu-sse III (В 174 a5) affliction deed basis-Adj
(14) kles yamor-s(s)e nare (В 286 a5-a6) affliction deed-Adj thread "Thread of affliction and deed".
(15) yamor-sse vastu-sse mena(k-sa) (В 174 b1) deed-Adj basis-Adj example-Perl "Through the example of deed and matter".
Also, with the already mentioned expression kektsene reki palsko*6 "body, word (and) mind":
kektsen reki palskosse (PK AS 7L a2) and kektsen rekissana (В 7 a8) (from the examples 3 and 6)
(16) kayacittavasthavisesata • kektsen palsko-ssai avastha-ssai waki-mem (В 197 b3)
body:Acc.Sg mind-Adj:Acc.Sg.f state-Adj:Acc.Sg.f difference:Abl "Skt. From the difference of the condition of body and mind".
4. As it was already shown in some examples above, the suffix -sse can be shared by three (examples 3, 5, 8, 13) or more (four in example 4) nouns. In this regard, one of the most interesting examples is PK AS 2A a3-5 with a Sanskrit parallel in the preceding line of the same manuscript:
(17) II (e)randabilva brhatidvayamnca matulunga : pasanabhi trkatu mulakrtakasaya :
hirant • pilamati • wi praha(ti)nta • ma(tu)l(unk pasa)na(bhit) • klyotaissana witsaka-sse kasay (PK AS 2A a3-5) "A decoction consisting of ricinus, of the heart of the fruit of Aegle marmelos, of two Solanum indicum, of citron, of (Coleus) aromaticus [and] roots of Tribulus terrestris" (CEToM).
The enumeration of six names of medical ingredients gets one common suffix -sse, although the latter has no morphological correspondence in the Sanskrit version (functionally it renders the PPt krta). In this example, not only the length of the chain of conjuncts is remarkable, but also the fact that two of these conjuncts (wi praha(ti)nta "two Solanum indicum" and klyotaissana witsaka<m> "roots of Tribulus terrestris") are modified noun phrases, with a cardinal number (wi "two") and an adjective (also in -sse) as modifiers respectively.
This Tocharian B example is unique, but, in my opinion, it shows especially convincingly that constructions with the derivational suffix -sse should be treated as syntactic ones.
5. Although -sse is usually added to nouns, some rare examples can be found in which it is shared by two homogenous gerundives7 (examples 18-19). Thus, the discussed affixation model seems to be quite productive in Tocharian and cannot be reduced to derivation from lexicalized expressions.
(18) anassalle satassalle-sse ime8 inhale:Ger exhale:Ger-Adj idea
"The idea of how to inhale and to exhale".
6 The expression kektsene reki palsko* is attested only in oblique forms kektsen reki palsko-.
7 Tocharian verbal adjectives in -lle with the meaning of necessity or possibility of some action.
8 BHS pranapanasmrti (Thomas, 1972: 443, footnote 5).
(19) III lle paksalle-sse nrai-ssemts lakle : III (B 150 a6)
X:Ger cook:Ger-Adj hell-Adj:Gen.Pl. suffering "The (roasting?) and cooking suffering of the hellish (beings)".
2.1.1. Some ambiguous cases
Along with the already given examples 1-2, there are some more cases where non-final con-juncts demonstrate no coordination markers (Nom=Acc), making the interpretation of such constructions ambiguous. These are the following cases:
(20) ka(madhatu) rupadhatu-ssana klesanma (PK AS 16.3 a1) sphere_of_desire sphere_of_form-Adj:Pl.f affliction:Pl "Afflictions of the realm of desire and of the realm of form".
(21) asís mankal-sana rekau(na) (PK AS 17K a4) greeting blessing-Adj:Pl.f word:Pl
"Words of greeting [and] blessing"9.
(22) kewye kuñcíta-sse pelaikne-sse suke (B 27 a8) butter sesame-Adj law-Adj taste
"The butter (and) sesame taste of the law" (CEToM).
(23) tagaram palasapatrena • tagar palasa-sse pilta-sa • (B 308 b5) "Skt. With the leaf of tagara and palasa".
(24) asamkhyai-nta kalpa-nma-ssai lalyís= askar ma maukam (B 591b6) asamkhyeya-Pl kalpa-Pl-Adj:Acc.Sg.f effort:Perl back Neg desist:3s.Sbj "(Who) does not desist because of the effort of asamkhyeyas and kalpas" 10.
Differently from the hendiadyses like sklok prosko "doubt and fear" (example 2) or asís mankal "greeting and blessing" (example 21) where the words are semantically close and may easily build compounds, the pairs like kewye kuñcít "butter and sesame" or tagar palas (Sanskrit names of two different plants) (examples 22 and 23) have no other attestations and cannot be recognized as collocations.
Overall, around 20 examples of the suffix -sse adjectivizing conjuncts have been found in Tocharian B. All of them are quite equally distributed between archaic, classical and late manuscripts and are possible in prose as well as in poetry.
2.2. Situation in Tocharian A
As already mentioned in the introduction, the examples of this derivational model are marginal in Tocharian A. There are two occurrences of the adjective pacar macarsi "pertaining to father and mother":
9 Cf. further the Tocharian A example 28.
10 This line is translated in Peyrot 2013: 675 as "... who does not turn back from the effort for countless ages"; however, the rendering of asamkhyainta kalpanma as "countless ages" is, in my opinion, not very precise, because literally these are two nouns in Nom-Acc.Pl (with the noun plural suffixes -nta and -nma respectively), so the Nom-Acc.Pl. form asamkhyainta could hardly serve as an attribute for Nom-Acc.Pl. kalpanma.
(25) pacar macar-sim kapnune pukam tampewats wrasassi (YQ II.3 b5)
"The love for father and mother (is) the strongest (sentiment) among the beings" (Ji, Winter, Pinault 1998: 79).
(26) sam pacar macar-si wci markampal-si (A 291 a2)
"(Two bodies of the Buddha) The one (stems) from father and mother, the second from the Law" (CEToM).
However, Adams (2015: 183) treats Nom-Acc pacar macar "father (and) mother" as a compound with the meaning "parents". Indeed, this expression is highly frequent in the languages of the world in general (cf. Walchli 2005: 3-5) and in the languages of East Turkestan in particular (cf. Rastorgueva 1981: 445), so that the syntactic status of this hendiadys is at least disputable, and the adjective can be translated simply as "parental".
The next pair of words asis mankal "greeting and blessing", already seen in Tocharian B (example 21), can be used in Tocharian A with a common plural suffix -ntu (asis mangalntu in A 63 a5) which also does not support the assumption about a syntactic relation between the two words:
(27) asis mankalsinas rakentuyo (A 16 a6)
"With words of blessing and good luck" (CEToM).
There is, however, one example which quite convincingly shows that the Tocharian A suffix -si also refers to conjuncts: it is shared by two abstract nouns derived by means of the very productive suffix -une / -one from the adjectives kawalte "beautiful" and cincar "tender":
(28) kus ne arkisossam k(a)waltune cincronesi waka(m) s[e](s) (A 175+178+THT 2968 fgm. g a5)11 "Who was the paragon of beauty and tenderness in the world".
Cf. the use of the same words kawaltune "beauty" and cincrone "tenderness" in the following line: ote taprem kawaltun[e] ote taprem cincro[ne] "Ah, such a beauty, ah, such a tenderness!" (A 186+1143+202 b4)12.
3. Tocharian B suffixes -tstse and -nne
3.1. -tstse
Along with -sse, there are two other particularly productive adjectival suffixes in Tocharian B, namely the suffixes -tstse and -nne13. To our knowledge, the ability of these suffixes to adjectivize syntactic groups has not yet been specially described, although at least examples for -tstse referring to subordinated noun phrases are well attested, e.g. kartse yamor-cepi Gen.Sg. < kartse yamor-tstse* "having deeds of welfare (=virtuous)" in B 121 a2 or orotstse cimpamne-cci Nom.-Acc.Pl. < orotstse campamne-tstse* "having great capabilities" in B 506 a3. Noticeably, the suffix -tstse does not require an Obl form from the adjective Nom.Sg. orotstse (*orocce cimpamne-cci), which would be the case with -sse, cf. laksannai klautsai-sse spel "fish ear (i.e. gill) pellet" (laksannai klautsai Acc.Sg.f < laksanne klautso "fish ear") in PK AS 3b B2.
Moreover, -tstse adjectivizes prepositional phrases, such as sle krake-tse from sle krake "with dirt (=dirty)" (PK NS 54 b4) or snai yparwe-cce Acc.Sg. < snai yparwe-tstse from snai yparwe "end-
11 Join according to Itkin (in print).
12 Join according to Ilya B. Itkin (personal communication).
13 See more on their use and semantics in Krause, Thomas 1960: 146-147.
less (lit. "without beginning")" (IOL Toch 5 b6). In Tocharian, prepositional phrases like sle krake and snai yparwe are usually lexicalized and function both as nouns and as adjectives. It is thus possible that their semantically excessing adjectivization with -tstse serves to distinguish between nominal and attributive functions of such constructions.
We have found only one example of -tstse possibly referring to a coordinated group; this example also belongs to the adjectives derived from prepositional phrases (preposition snai "without"):
(29) • asangam anapragraham • snai trenkal snai krampalynetse (B 251 b2) "Skt. Without attachment (to the world), without distraction".
However, the interpretation "Without attachment (to the world), having no distraction", i.e. with -tstse referring only to the second prepositional phrase, is plausible as well.
It should be noticed that the suffix -tstse can be added to verb stems, e.g. preksatstse < park-"ask" (B 331 b1), kautatstse < kaut- "destroy" (THT 1681 a5), tsakatstse < tsak- "sting, bite" (B 88 a3-4), rmatstse < rm- "renounce" (B 245 a4), anaiwatstse < aiw- "turn" with the negative prefix *e(n)- (B 5 a5-6)14. It is probably the ability of -tstse to link syntactically non-independent verbal stems which explains its low productivity in the discussed derivational model: perception of the suffix -tstse by Tocharian speakers to be more "bound" within a word could impose a restriction on wide-scope affixation with conjuncts. On the contrary, the suffix -sse never occurs with verbal stems.
3.2. -nne
Cases of group derivation by means of the suffix -nne are exceedingly rare. As for subordinated groups, it occurs in the adjective swalyai paiyye-nne from swalyai paiyye "right foot" (the adjective swalyai is indeclinable).
Another possible example is PK NS 32 a4-a5, although the word aissencanne (from agent noun aissenca "one who gives") is treated in CEToM as an abstract noun "giving" derived with the identical nominalizing suffix -nne:
(30) ambari lante pontamts aissenca-nne kartse-sse Ambara king:Gen.Sg all:Gen.Pl giving-Der virtue-Adj nem-kalywe klyausate (PK NS 32 a4-5)
fame hear:Mid.3s.Pt
"The king Ambara was heard of, [namely] the goodness based on the giving of everything" (CEToM).
In my opinion, pontamts aissenca-nne can be understood as an adjective derived from the phrase pontamts aissenca "giving to all" (pontamts Gen.Pl. "all", aissenca "giving"). This adjective is an attribute for kartse "virtue" which is in turn the basis for the adjective in -sse that modifies the dvandva nem-kalywe "fame". The structure of all these nested noun phrases can be schematized as follows: [[ambari lante [pontamts aissenca]-nne kartse]-sse nem-kalywe klyausate] "The fame of King Ambara's virtue of giving to all was heard".
Adjectivization of coordinated groups with the suffix -nne can be found just in one example where it refers to three words yasa nkante wrako* "gold, silver, pearl":
13 See in Adams 2013: 14.
(31) sadvarginta yasa nkante wraka-nnem wmera makci priyem (PK AS 18A a2) sadvargi:Pl gold silver pearl-Adj:Acc.Pl jewel:Pl Refl wear:3pl.Ipf
"The sadvargi-monks wore by themselves jewels of gold, silver and pearls".
Again, it is remarkable that -nne is added to the oblique stem wraka- (Nom. wrako, Obl. wrakai "shell, pearl") while the non-final conjuncts Nom-Acc yasa "gold" and Nom-Acc nkante "silver" are morphological words (cf. the same for example 5). An interesting parallel is found in B 109 a4 where each of the same material names is adjectivized with its own suffix: ysasse with -sse from Nom.-Acc.Sg. yasa, n(i)kance with stem-final palatalization and the suffix -e from Nom.-Acc.Sg. nkante, wrakanne with the suffix -nne from Nom.Sg wrako*, Acc.Sg. wrakai, cf.:
(32) ysassem nikancem wmera wrakannem (B 109 a4) gold:Adj:Acc.Pl silver:Adj:Acc.Pl jewel:Pl pearl:Adj:Acc.Pl "Jewels of gold, silver and pearls".
4. Suspended affixation with adjectival suffixes in some other languages
The phenomenon of suspended affixation with derivational morphemes has so far received relatively little attention in the typological perspective. On the one hand, in Spencer, Luis 2012: 200 it is noticed that "wide scope affixation can be found with inflectional and derivational morphology in a number of languages, and it is often a symptom of recent and not quite complete morphologization". On the other hand, this special type of suspended affixation is denied, for example, for the agglutinative modern Turkic, cf. "Suspended affixation is impossible with any of the derivational morphemes of the language" (Broadwell 2008: 7); some examples of a similar kind are traditionally treated as affixation of compounds, cf. Kabak 2007: 336.
Recently, discussion on the presence of this phenomenon in modern Turkic and, probably, in some other languages has been raised, for instance, by F. Akku§ (2016), who points out that cases of suspended affixation with derivational morphemes are "rather uncommon to find, quite many to ignore" (2016: 1). According to Akku§, nouns sharing a common derivational morpheme can be treated as syntactic groups as they can change their positions like tuz ve biber-lik ("of salt and pepper") vs. biber ve tuz-luk ("of pepper and salt") or be complemented by further conjuncts as well as receive a reiterated suffix, cf. bir ve yedi-nci bolum-ler-i-ni... "first and seventh chapters (of the book)..." vs. bir, yedi ve yirmi bir-inci bolum-ler-i-ni "(first, seventh and twenty first chapters (of the book)" (Akku§ 2016: 8-10).
But the most interesting thing is to compare Tocharian data with the situation in other ancient languages of East Turkestan because they show mutual lexical borrowings as well as a tradition of literary translation (especially from Tocharian into Old Uighur).
Adjectivization of subordinated groups, as well as some further agglutinative features, are indeed known in some Eastern Iranian languages, e.g. in Sogdian (Gershevitch 1945: 13) or in Khwarazmian (Windfuhr 2009: 323)15. However, we have not found any examples or descriptions of derivation from coordinated groups in these languages.
As for Old Uighur, the observation made in Erdal 1991: 141-142 about the adjectival suffix -lXg16 is noteworthy: "Exceedingly interesting is the formational, syntactic and semantic similarity between -lXg and Tokharian -si / -sse [...] The parallelism between the two conjunction-formatives which is maintained in details [. ] has no likeness in other Indo-European lan-
15 Remarkable typological parallels to Tocharian group inflection in general can be observed in Ossetic, cf. Belyaev 2014.
16 We use the spelling with the invariant -lXg as in Erdal 1991 and Erdal 2004.
guages [...] As Uigur is also isolated among the Turkic languages in the extraordinary rich use which it makes of -lXg, all we can say is that it must be an areal phenomenon common to Uigur and Tokharian". Erdal analyses contextual and semantic similarities between A -si, B -sse and Uighur -lXg and provides examples of derivation from subordinated noun phrases (1991: 139-150); such cases are not specifically considered in this paper.
However, there are also quite a few examples of adjectives built from hendyadises by means of -lXg in Old Uighur. According to Erdal, "when added to binomes, -lXg is usually repeated, [...] Occasionally, however, the two terms do receive it in common" (1991: 147). Along with some 'binomes' which are attested either only with repeated or only with single adjectival suffix, some constructions of this type demonstrate optional suffix iteration (33-36) as well as changing order of elements (35-36), cf.:
(33) ortlug yalinlig (Erdal 2004: 330) vs. ort yalinlig (DTS: 389)
"fiery and flaming".
(34) coglug yalinl(i)g (Mainz 751/09 = DKPAM 07740 (Wilkens 2016 II: 630)) vs. cog yalinlig (DTS: 152)
"shiny and brilliant".
(35) asig tusulug (Maitr 5 v25, (Erdal 1991: 148)) vs. asiglig tusulug and tusulug asiglig (DTS: 60)
"advantageous and beneficial".
(36) acuq adirtlig
vs. adirtlig acuglug (DTS: 12-13)
"clear and obvious".
As for 'binomes', Erdal indicates that numerous lexemes in Old Uighur are used in "fixed two-word sequences to render a single notion" and can either show or lack morphological fusion (2004: 533), so it must be difficult to define whether such paired lexemes underlying the adjectives are compounds or nouns in coordination.
However, the suffix -lXg can refer to longer sequences of words as well. The most remarkable example of this kind known to us is found in the Uighur version of Maitrisimit (MaitrHami, XX, leaf 14, 10-11). The adjective in -lXg here is an attribute to otin "fire", the suffix is shared by four conjuncts:
(37) acmak [suvsa]mak busus kadgulug otin
"(Suffering from) fire of hunger (and) thirst, sorrow (and) distress".
We now know the original version in Tocharian A for this line of the Old Uighur manuscript; however, it differs from the translation in structure as well as partially in content. Namely, it has no adjectival correspondence to the Uighur construction in -lXg. The word por "fire" in the Tocharian version is not the syntactic head but one of three homogenous Instr forms in -yo; Uighur hendyadises acmak suvsamak "hunger and thirst" and busus kadgu "sorrow and distress" render single words kast "hunger" and suram "sorrow" of the Tocharian original, cf.:
(38) [ka]styo [sura]m[yo po](ryo) /// (THT 1308 b2)
"(Tormented by) hunger (and) sorrow (and) fire"17.
It might be interesting to collect more examples like (37) (with -lXg linking longer chains of conjuncts) to evaluate how widespread this type of group affixation is in Old Turkic.
17 Identification and restoration according to Itkin, Kuritsyna 2017: 67.
5. Conclusion
The suffix A -si / B -sse has an almost exclusive ability among derivational morphemes of Tocharian to link conjuncts. This suffix can refer to significantly more than two nouns, its iteration or suspension is optional, and the coordinated nouns in such adjectives can represent extended noun phrases. Some rare examples of this kind can also be found with other productive suffixes - B -tstse and -nne. This phenomenon replicates Tocharian suspended affixation, when a secondary case suffix is added to a chain of conjuncts. Such a model probably arose after A -si / B -sse had acquired the ability to link morphological words (Nom-Acc. or explicitly Acc. forms). A typological and areal parallel may be represented in Old Uighur, at least with the adjectival suffix -lXg. In Old Turkic constructions, however, the boundary between morphological and syntactic units is hard to define, while in the Tocharian examples coordination markers can occur inside such constructions. The Tocharian data presented in this paper can contribute to the discussion on which types of affixes can be affected by suspended affixation in typological perspective.
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А. В. Курицына. К вопросу о групповой аффиксации в тохарском (посредством адъективного суффикса А в / В -вве) и ее возможных параллелях в древнеуйгурском
В статье рассматривается не описанная ранее способность тохарского суффикса А -т / В -вве (в единичных случаях также -tstse и -ппе) образовывать прилагательные от однородных членов. Предпринимается попытка доказать, что в основе таких конструкций лежат сочиненные именные группы, а не композиты-двандвы. Полученные данные сравниваются с материалом ареально близкого древнеуйгурского языка. Если наше предположение верно, то групповая аффиксация сочиненных групп в тохарских языках возможна не только со словоизменительными морфемами вторичных падежей, но и со словообразовательными, хотя и менее распространена для последних.
Ключевые слова: групповая флексия, групповая деривация, тохарские адъективные суффиксы, древнеуйгурский язык, ареальные контакты
