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19
А. Е. Кузнецов
OPIGENA IUNO AND ETRUSCAN OCNUS: THEIR WAY
TO PAULUS' EPITOME DE VERBORUM SIGNIFICATU
Opigena Iuno и этрусский герой Ocnus: их путь к «Эпитоме» Павла Диакона. В статье рассматриваются два единственных случая сложных слов на -gena и -genus, которые сохранились в De verborum significatu: Paulus 200,7 M 221 L Opigenam и Paulus 195,2 M 211 L oenigenos. Доказывается, что обе статьи были интерполированы Павлом Диаконом, который использоавал в переработанном виде материал Феста. Вероятным первоисточником статьи Opigena была глава V, 10 (57-74) De lingua Latina Варрона, но сам эпитет Opigena не мог относиться к римской религиозной практике. Сложные имена на -gena были почти исключительно поэтическими неологизмами и не могли представлять интереса для Веррия Флакка или Феста. Статус этих слов изменился в каролингскую эпоху, когда они стали престижным элементом ученой латыни. Внимание, которое Павел Диакон уделял этим словам, доказывает, что при составлении «Эпитомы» для него было важно совершенствование собственного латинского языка. Для рукописного oenigenos предлагается исправление Ocnigenas.
Ключевые слова: Павел Диакон, Фест, Веррий Флакк, Варрон, Юнона, латинское словообразование
Proemium
The surviving text of the De verborum significatu provides no more than two instances for compounds in -gena or -genus1: 200,7 M 221 L Opigenam (presumably a substantive Opigena) and 195,2 M 211 L oenigenos (presumably an adjective unigenus). Both are hapax legomena found as lemmata only in Paulus' Epitome, and I intend to demonstrate that both entries were interpolated by Paulus, who recombined the material that was presented in Festus' work.
I. A problem of Opigena Iuno
[1.1] Paulus 200,7 M 221 L: Opigenam Iunonem matronae colebant, quod ferre eam opem in partu laborantibus credebant
1 This word formation has been studied by Bader 1962; André 1973; Sblendorio Cugusi 2008 (with an updated bibliography). For its probable indo-european origin: Schrijver 1991: 329, 412.
Having rejected an amendment opigeram2 Karl Otfried Mueller commented on this passage: facilius credo, Verrium in interpretando nomine erasse. The problem is that the classical word Opigena would mean 'a child or offspring of Ops'. Verrius Flaccus was, indeed, aware that Juno was considered the daughter of Saturn and Ops. Both Festus and Paulus preserved the note about 'Ops the wife of Saturn'3, which I partially quote below [3.1], [3.2], and a simple mistake would be improbable.
In the exhaustive study of Latin compounds in -gena and -genus Jacques André has discussed the problem of Opigena at some length (André 1973: 11 ). André recognized that Opigena in the sense 'opem gignens / ferens' would be the only case of the 'active' meaning of compounds in -gena. André ascribed this meaning exclusively to the -genus formation (André 1973: 26 ), but sincethe evidence for it is late, scarce and in some cases doubtful4, he explained Paulus' entry (indeed, viewed as a descendant of an original commentary by Verrius Flaccus) as a 'secondary interpretation founded on popular beliefs'. This secondary interpretation could be supported by the epithet of Juppiter Opitulus (Paulus 184, 11 M 201 L) and the adjective opifer, often applied to gods5. The original meaning of Opigena still must have been 'the daughter of Ops'.
II. A linguistic background
The evidence gathered by André himself suggests that compounds in -gena which describe an origin were a relatively late innovation, and, with few exceptions, their use was limited to epic and tragic poetry.
Only indigena and alienigena were used freely in prose. It can be surmised that these two words became the starting point for further development, which seems to be clear from a semantic point of view.
2 J. Meursius, Criticus Arnobianus... Lugduni Batavorum, 1597, p. 104: Malim opigenam, suadente nominis veriloquio, quod ponit Festus (cf. § 3 below).
3 The Scholia Vallicelliana, which are closely related to the De verborum significatu, contain a detailed genealogical account of Roman gods under the lemma Filii Saturni et Opis: ad Isid. Etym. VIII, 11, 30, p. 134 Whatmough.
4 See notes 12, 21, 24 below.
5 For a useful account of opitulus and related words see García Ramón 2003.
The first step was when the original meaning 'bom here / otherwhere' moved to the semantic pattern 'born in particular place or region'. The earliest examples of this subtype are:
Graiugena Pacuvius 364 Ribb.; Nysigena = Nuoalo^ Catull. 64, 252 (a probable root form for Nysigenis); Troiugena Catull. 64, 355 (gen. plur. Truiugenum normal for compounds in -gena)6.
Lucretius uses terrigena in the sense of 'terrestrial creature':
[2.1] Lucret. 5, 1411:
quam silvestre genus capiebat terrigenarum (also 5, 1427 terrigenas).
The same usage is found in a line of uncertain authorship quoted by Cicero:
[2.2] Cicero De div. 2.133:
Terrigenam, herbigradam, domiportam, sanguine cassam .
The meaning 'born from particular parent' is at first attested, when a birth from a personification-deity is concerned with. The earliest evidence for this subtype is Caeligena 'daughter of Father Caelum' quoted by Varro Varro De Ling. Lat. 5, 62 from an unknown source (see § 4 below)8. It is worth noting that compounds in -gena or -genus are not attested for Ennius who created an euhemeric genealogy of Roman gods and coined the name Caelus. Varro knew the masculine form9, but instead Caelum is read in the De lingua Latina.
Next nubigenae Centauri appear in Virgil (Aen. 7, 8, ) and Germanicus (Aratea 422).
Ovid began to use terrigena in the sense of 'born from the earth' (Met. 3, 118; 7, 36; 7, 141; Heroid. 6,35; 12,99), and, further, 'born
6 There is no place to discuss here a forged Carmen Marcianum quoted by Livy 25, 12, 5, which cannot be precisely dated, it says: amnem, Troiugena, fuge Cannam... The relation of this poetic name for Roman people to the term alienigena has been discussed in Urso 1994.
7 Cicero FPL4 56; p. 259 Soubiran: a partial translation of Hesiod Op. 571: AA.X' опот' av фЕрЕогко^ ало xGovd<; ац фита Paiv^, terrigena renders ■6XoyEvn<; found in a versified riddle quoted by Athenaeus II p. 63b 1,148 Kaibel: vXoysv^^, avaKav0o<;, avaip,aTO<;, vypokeXeuGo^.
8 But caeligena 'folk of sky' = caelestis Apul. De mundo 1 p. 138 Helm: caelum ipsum stellaeque caeligenae omnisque siderea conpago aether vocatur... Ps. Arist. De mundo 392a5: ovpavov 5e Kai aoTprov ovaiav цеу aiGSpa KaXov^Ev. This meaning became normal in mediaeval Latin.
9 Varro, Antiquitates rerum divinarum, fr. 64 Cardauns; see Elliott 2013: 140.
from Mother Earth': terrigenam Typhoea (Met. 5, 325), followed by Lucanus: terrigenae Gigantes (3, 316). Eventually most of the compounds describing origin or filiation used by Ovid are likely to have been his own coinage, and the earliest derivations from proper names are attested in his poetry: Martigena (Amor. 3. 4, 39; Fast. 1, 199, Romulus and Remus), Iunonigenae (Met. 4, 173, Hephaestus). But Cadmogena 'daughter of Cadmus' Accius 643 Ribb. 445 Dangel is a loan word KaS^oyev^1 .
All these names are to be understood as compressed myths, and this is especially the case of the names derived from common nouns, which point to individual mythological creatures: anguigenae (Met. 3, 531, on the people of Thebes) and serpentigenae (Met. 7, 212, on men born from the teeth of a dragon in Colchis), likewise ignigena (Met. 4, 12, on Bacchus) is a hint at a myth of birth, but not at a parent (as nubigena and terrigena are).
It is not out of place to say, that compounds in -genus first emerge in our sources round the same time: Scipio Asiagenus Comatus (CIL I2 13 = CIL IV 1291), an obscure derivation from the triumphal cognomen of L. Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus (cos. 190 B.C.). The first appearance in poetry is again in Pacuvius' Praetext. Paulus 5 Ribb.: caprigeno generi11. The word was approved by poets: caprigenum trita ungulis Accius v. 544 Ribb. 213 Dangel; caprigeni pecoris Cicero Prognostica fr. VI p. 195 Soubiran (apud Prisc. 2.196,10 GLK); caprigenum pecus Verg. Aen. 3.221. The same pattern underlies the other adjectives: taurigeno semine Accius v. 463 Ribb. 398 Dangel12; vitigeni latices Lucr. 6.1072 (vitigeni liquoris Lucr. 5.15). A substantive caecigenus Lucr. 2.741 'blind from birth' is also made on this model.
This formation is likely to have been developed from compounds built on the noun genus: omnigenus, multigenus, primigenus 3. The
10 Accius preferred this hybrid form to the pure Latin form *Cadmigena or the Greek *Cadmogenes (cf. taurigenus cited below in this §). Accius' treatment of the -gena formation, thus, differed from his usage attested by Varro De ling. lat. 10, 70: Hectôra not Hectorem.
11 Fr. 256 p. 523 Schierl, fr. 4 p. 180 Manuwald. Priscianus 2. 196, 8 is likely to give a better reading generi, while Macrobius Sat. 6, 5 14 gives pecori: Manuwld 2001, 196.
2 In Accius taurigenus means 'taureus' and certainly not 'aui engendre des taureaux' as (André 1973: 26 ); cf. xaupoysv^ç Aiôvoaoç: Ioannes Diaconus Galenus 361,5 Flach = 297a Kern.
13 Virgil's omnigenum deum (gen. plur., Aen. 8,698) was not accepted by later authors, and the word is not declined in Classical Latin. But in
original declension is preserved in: multigeneribus (Plaut. Capt. 159), multigenerum (Plaut. Stich. 383) multigenera (Plin. Nat. Hist. 11, 1).
Few late inscriptions provide Latin forms of Greek names like Diogenus14.
Compounds in -genus were limited in number, and they formed a definite semantic and morphological pattern, clearly distinguished from compounds in -gena. Confusion of the two types does not occur in classical texts. It became, however, possible in the latest period. Priscian 2. 196, 3 GLK claimed with no authorities that 'antiquissimi' used to say aliegenus, aliegena, aliegenum, and, on the contrary, he thought, that caprigenum in Verg. Aen. 3.221 could be understood as caprigenarum ( 2.196, 12; 292, 10 GLK).15
III. A Carolingian usage
These fluctuations must be taken into account when Carolingian and post-Carolingian usage is considered: almigenus (or almigena: almigenis patribus) is unparalleled in Classical language16, a few glosses are obscure, e.g.: penigenam penam sumentem Gloss. 4, 140, 9 Goetz; flammigena deflammatus non adustus Gloss. 5, 501, 5, which is related to the correct flammigena de flamma natus Gloss. 4, 237, 51 Goetz. Some of the odd words appear to be corrupt compounds in -ger: penigena pena gerens Gloss. 5, 509, 56 Goetz; lanigenos apices capita arietum Gloss. 5, 462, 43 Goetz is a mutilated gloss to Verg. Aen. 8, 664 lanigeros apices17. But, in general, the usage of Carolingian writers is correct, and words newly created by them would match the classical patterns: corvigena subst.18, florigena dulcedine (florigenus?)19. A list gathered by
Carmina epigraphica we find: CIL VI, 7578 = CLE 422: omnigena vicinia (nom. sing.); CIL VIII, 27764 = CLE 2151: omnigena gramina; omnigenis virtutibus (Recueil des Inscriptions Chrétiennes de la Gaule, 15, 87).
14 Marichal 1988, no 177.
15 Cf. caprigenum caprarum: Gloss. 5, 174, 16 Goetz, but there is no parallel for caprigena in classical Latin, hence I cannot agree with André who has commented on this case: au fém. caprigena 'chévre', qui ne figure en prose que chez Tertullien (André 1973: 25 ), cf. Tert. Ad Nationes 1,14 dii caprigenae, who are not necessary she-goats).
16 Ioannes Scottus, II, 48: Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, vol. 3, p. 528; almigen- is likely to have the same meaning as indigena.
17 It crept into the manuscript text of Apuleius' Met. 4, 24 p. 93, 17 Helm.
18 Sedulius Scottus XXV, 30: Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, vol. 3, p. 191
19 Walahridus Srabo XXII, 173: Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, vol. 2, p. 173.
Aldhelm in the influential De metris (185, 12 Ehwald) includes, along with classical words, a probable coinage of the author:
folligena20.
From the point of view of Christian theology, Verbigena 'Verbo natus'21 is derived from a proper name. But new words were rarely, if ever, built on personal proper names to describe origin or filiation22, so Opigena was certainly non coined by Paulus or by any of his learned colleagues.
Paulus quoted Virgil via the intermediary of Ausonius' Epigramms (72, 2) in his sophisticated fable about a sick lion (v. 11-12)23:
His nec defuerant monstrantes cornua cervi, Capriolique simul caprigenumque pecus.
This is the only evidence for compounds in -gena or -genus in Paulus' poetic and historical works. Nevertheless, we can be sure that he understood well what Opigena Iuno meant.
Ethnonyms of the subtype Francigena, Scotigena from a productive pattern in medieval Latin, and unexpected words could be coined on this model, like vermiculus favigena 'living in honey-combs'24, so corvigenae mentioned above is an offensive name for the 'Saracens' opposed to the 'swan-white Francigenae'; compare Christigenae 'people of Christ'25.
This patter needs not to be considered here in details.
20 Aldhelm, De octo principalibus vitiis, Octavi saeculi ecclesiastici scriptores, p. 287A Migne: Sicut folligenis respirant organa flabris.
21 Prudentius, Cath. III, 2; Vita S. Galli, 89, Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, vol. 2, p. 431. Cf. Venantius Fortunatus, Vita S. Martini, 158, p. 335 Leo: cum
necdum his Christi radiaret honore character / nec sacra Verbigeni flueret super unda Tonantis, - here Verbigenus has the same meaning as Verbigena.
22 Robertigena: Wilhelm Brito Philippid. 10, 475; 11, 337. I could find no Carolingian example of this pattern.
23 Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, vol. 1, p. 62; K. Neff, Die Gedichte des Paulus Diaconus, S. 62.
24 Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Script. vol. 29, 490, 24. Cf. Prudentius, Hamartigenia, 786-788: (Ruth) ... castoque adscita cubili /Christigenam fecunda domum, Davitica regna / edidit, atque Deo mortales miscuit ortus... this would be a unique instance for an 'active meaning': 'Ruth gave birth to the house which gave birth to Christ', as this passage is generally understood. Does it still mean 'Ruth gave birth to the house of people of Christ'?
25 Ioannes Scottus, IV, 45: Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, vol. 3, p. 534
IV. Opigena: a probable origin
As far as the classical Opigena is concerned, it can be surely stated that it was a poetic coinage, which could not differ from other compounds in -gena in meaning and stylistic register. The chronology of compounds in -gena implies that both Caeligena and Opigena were coined no earlier the late 1st cent. B.C.
The word Opigena must have emerged in non-epic poetry (as its prosody points to), and it is highly probable that it appeared only once in the Latin literature before Verrius Flaccus. It could not be an old and traditional religious term, and it, equally, could not take its origin directly from Roman religious or calendar practice. Compounds in -gena were developing rapidly and extensively in pre-Augustan and Augustan times. They were 'modernist' words, which belonged to an innovative stratum of Latin poetic language, and, therefore, they were hardly of interest for Verrius Flaccus or even Festus.
The ultimate source of the etymologies of Ops and Opigena is the Chapter 5,10 (57-74) of the De lingua Latina (§ 5 below),26 and it must be taken into account that Varro De Ling. Lat. 5.62 mentioned the epithet Caeligena in a genealogical context: utrique testis poesis, quod et Victoria et Venus dicitur Caeligena. Varro is likely to have used the word poesis in the sense 'large-scale completed poem'27, consequently, he must have hinted at definite poetic work, which he did not want to name. In this poesis Varro found the epithet Caeligena. It may be further suggested that Verrius Flaccus added to his account of Varro's theology a quotation from a certain poem, where the epithet Opigena appeared. Was it the same poesis, that had been used by Varro? Unfortunately, there is no direct indication of a possible source of Opigena28.
This optimistic scenario assumes that Opigena was a word known to Verrius Flaccus. It seems, however, impossible that Paulus drew on a vanished classical source which was nowhere attested. It is likewise improbable that Festus was responsible for that hypothetical quotation.
26 The presence of Varro in the work of Festus has been recently discussed in Glinster 2007: 13-19.
27 Brink 1963: 66.
28 There was only one poesis available to Varro, where metrics allowed both Caeligena and Opigena to appear: the Didascalica of Accius. Varro quoted the Didascalica at least in his De comediis Plautinis (Accius Didasc. fr. 17 FPL4).
V. Opigena: an etymiology, its position in the De verborum significatu of Festus
A correlation between Opigena and Ops is of crucial importance for understanding of both lemmata in Paulus' Epitome.
Paulus' entry Ops is extracted from Festus' opima spolia 187, 21/189,1 M 202/204 L.
[3.1] Paulus 187, 15 M 203 L Opis dicta est coniunx Saturni per quam voluerunt terram significare, quia omnes opes humano generi terra tribuit ...
[3.2] Festus 186, 24 M 202 L (Ops) ideoque in Regia colitur a populo Romano quia omnes opes humano generi terra tribuat
The note about opima spolia occupies the pages 186 and 190 of Mueller's edition, and the preserved text of Festus does not provide enough space to insert a mention of Opigena Iuno, together with a related poetic quotation. It follows that Paulus found the word Opigena in some other section of Festus' work, and the entry supercilia 305, 6 col. 2 M 396 L is likely to have been that reservoir.
Varro knew that Juno helped in childbirth, and he described this function in connection with a traditional Roman deity Iuno Lucina. This trivial fact about the Roman religion was omitted by Paulus, who is likely to know about Lucina only from Festus's almost entirely lost article supercilia drawn from Varro De Ling. Lat. 5.69. Paulus also missed the main point of Varro's account of supercilia, that women used to sacrifice eyebrows to Juno Lucina. Enough survives of the original entry of Festus to realize that it was not his fault.
[3.3] Paulus 304, 7 M 397 L: Supercilia in tutela esse putabant, quod his protegantur oculi, per quos luce fruimur, quam tribuere putabant Iunonem, unde et Lucina dicta est
Paulus shares this truncated account of Lucina with Isidore 8. 11, 57: eo quod luceat. He apparently ignores an accurate version given by Martianus Capella:
[3.4] Martianus Capella 2,149: sive te Lucinam quod lucem nascentibus tribuas
It may be surprising that Augustine provides explanations for the names Lucina and Opis, which are very similar to what Paulus says about Opigena, the nominative Opis is also that used by Paulus in the
homonymous lemma29. Eventually, Paulus' entry [1.1] looks like a blending of the two deities described by Augustine.
[3.5] Augustinus De civ. Dei 4, 11: ipse (corporei huius mundi animus) Lucina, quae a parturientibus invocetur; ipse opem ferat nascentibus excipiendo eos sinu terrae et vocetur Opis
Compare the ultimate source of these etymological statements:
[3.6] Varro De Ling. Lat. 5, 67 Goetz-Schoell: quod Iovis Iuno coniunx et is caelum, haec terra, quae eadem tellus, et ea dicta, quod una iuvat cum love, Iuno, et Regina, quod huius omnia terrestria.
[3.7] Varro De Ling. Lat. 5, 64 Goetz-Schoell: terra Ops, quod hic omne opus et hac opus ad vivendum, et ideo dicitur Ops mater, quod terra mater.
[3.8] Varro De Ling. Lat. 5.69 Goetz-Schoell: quae ideo quoque videtur ab Latinis Iuno Lucina dicta vel quod est e<t> terra, ut physici dicunt, et lucet vel quod ab luce eius, qua quis conceptus est, usque ad eam, qua partus quis in lucem, <l>una iuvat, donec mensibus actis produxit in lucem, ficta ab iuvando et luce Iuno Lucina. a quo parientes eam invocant: luna enim nascentium dux, quod menses huius.
Augustine is careful in setting forth the main points of Varro's physical allegory (note physici in [3.8]): first, a common idea of 'helpful' forces of Juno, based on the etymology Iuno iuvat330, and, second, a identification of Juno with earth, based on the genealogy Terra - Ops - Iuno. A particular role is attributed to Lucina whose name and traditional religious function bind together the ideas of light an human birth and establish a cosmic opposition of Iuno-Terra and Iuno-Luna. Varro, then, projected this cosmological system to the level of local Roman rites and magic when he described a sacrifice of eyebrows in the temple of Lucina who was at the same time Iuno-Terra-Luna.
In our later sources a complicated and coherent system of the De lingua Latina degenerated to a set of unified formulae used in ex-
29 In the Epitome ops 191,11 M 209 L is deliberately distinguished from Opis.
30 A conjunction of the common noun ops with the verbal phrase opem ferre can be traced back to Flavius Caper: Priscian. 2, 322, 1 GLK; Accius v. 669 Ribb. 708 Dangel. The commentary of Priscian is to be related to Paulus' entry ops.
planatory parts of etymologies. In this connection, it's worth noting that Paulus uses the expressions aliquid tribuere and opem ferre only in the three etymologies discussed here. How are those formulae related to etymologized names?
Consider the nucleus of each etymological statement quoted above:
[3.4] Martianus Capella: Lucina lucem tribuit
[3.3] Paulus: Lucina lucem tribuit
[3.2] Festus: Ops opes tribuit
[3.5] Augustinus: Opis opem fert
[3.1] Paulus: Opis opes tribuit
[1.1] Paulus: Opigena opem fert
It is clear that an explanation must contain a key word, which echoes an etymologized word. But interaction between the two parts does not go further. The statements Lucina lucem tribuit or Ops opem tribuit does not imply that verbal phrases like aliquid tribuere / ferre would be a semantic pattern for the names Lucina and Ops, nor does the statement Opigena opem fert imply it. It may be finally concluded that a gap between the meaning of Opigena and Paulus' etymology, that troubled scholars as early as since Meursius, appears to be an imaginary problem.
The distribution of explanatory statements between the lemmata Opigena an Ops seems to have been an arbitrary an casual procedure, and from them nothing could be inferred about the exact content or wording of Festus' work31.
VI. Oenigenus / oenigena
[6.1] Paulus 195, 2 M 211 L oenigenos unigenitos
This is the reading of unnamed boni codices (according Mueller), while since late Renaissance editions the accepted reading was oenigenas vino genitos32. The text is palaeographically difficult to establish, and there is no doubt that manuscript readings vary greatly: Lindemann and Lindsay quote unogenitas cod. Guelferbytanus (G), unogenitos Vossianus Lat. Q. 116 (L), onigenos Vossianus Lat. Q.
31 For details of Paulus' technique of epitomizing: Cervani 1978; Lanciotti 1999.
32 M. Verrii Flacci quae extant. Sex. Pompei Festi De verborum signification libri XX. Et in eos Josephi Scaligeri Jul. Caesaris filii castigationes nunc primum publicatae, [Genève], 1575, p. CXXXIIX.
37 (I)33. The last is of especial interest, for it shows that the odd oenigen- survived due to the alphabet order of lemmata. The modern understanding of the entry goes back to the edition in usum Delphini published by André Dacier, who printed the standard text provided with the following note34: "quid Festus intelligat per vino genitos ignorare me fateor, puto legendum unigenitos. ita ut oenigena fit pro unigena nam oe veteres ponebant pro u". The reading favoured by Dacier is more intelligible than the old textus receptus, but it could not be a genuine text of Paulus.
Consider that unigenitus is a Christian lexeme of crucial importance. It certainly was not used by Festus, and this requires an unlikely conclusion, that the entry was entirely composed by Paulus, who would not, however, use the striking archaic spelling, which affected the alphabet order. But there is equally no doubt that Festus did not spell oen- for un-, and it can be stated that oenigen-had never been written instead of unigen-.
Like the other compounds discussed in this paper, unigena was never connected to the field of 'antiquities' or archaic literature. In all probability it was coined independently and roughly at the same time by Cicero and Catullus. Consequently, it had two different meanings, which were represented in mediaeval glossaries:
1. unigena 'twin-born': Catull. 64, 300; 66,53. Cf. unigenae geminae Gloss. 4, 297, 42; 5, 519, 38.
2. unigena, the word used by Cicero Tim. 12 to translate ^ovoyevrçç Plato Tim. 31b: singularem deus hunc mundum atque unigenam procreavit = elç oôe povoyevnç oùpavôc; yeyovàç eaxiv. Cf. unicus et unigena ^ovoyevqç Gloss. 2, 211,5.
As synonimous to unigenitus, the epithet unigena appeared first in a poem of Aviti Appendix35.
All these suggest that manuscripts readings that are intended to mean unigena unigenitus, are to be considered banalization of the text by editors or scribes who did not take into account the classical usage. An absurd oenigenos (-as) unogenitos appears to stand closer to the genuine text of Paulus.
Since available manuscript readings provide no solution, one might resort to conjectures.
33 The manuscripts of the Epitome have been listed by Woods 2007: 125.
34 Sex. Pompei Festi et Mar. Verrii Flacci De verborum significatione lib. XX. Notis et emendationibus illustravit Andreas Dacerius... Lutetiae Parisi-orum, 1681, p. 303.
35 XIV, 3 p. 191 Peiper: Iulius unigenae divi venerator Avitus.
The reading oenigena would mean 'offspring of Oenus', that could hardly make sense (an epigraphically attested Oenogenus is to be ruled out36). I shall tentatively propose *Ocnigena 'offspring of Ocnus'.
Ocnus was an Etruscan hero who was believed to have been a founder of Perusia, Felsina-Bononia, and Mantua37.
It will be more difficult to find a medicine for the explanatory part of the entry.
In 1955 Otto Skutch published a short note where he defended the reading Auni against the generally accepted Arni:
[6.2] Silius Italicus Pun. 6, 107-109:
nec deinde aduersis modus est: Ticinus et ater
stragibus Eridanus, tuque insignite tropaeis
Sidoniis Trebia et tellus lacrimabilis Auni.
The first major battle of the Second Punic War that took place where the river Trebia emptied into the Po, and Silius Italicus calls this place the land of Aunus. Since Virgil mentions Aunus as a Ligurian hero38, the land of Aunus can be identified with the whole valley of the river Trebia, from its head in Liguria down to the Po. If Aunus is in some way connected to Ocnus, then the geographical allusions related to both heroes cover the most part of the Langobard Kingdom. An association of Aunus and Ocnus, thus, would be of interest to Paulus.
Could we now read the name of Aunus in the gloss of Paulus' Epitome?
*Ocnigenas Auno genitos < >
This reconstruction can be seen palaeographically attractive, but its mythological idea is rather arbitrary. Skutsch was unquestionably right that an identification of Aunus and Ocnus was without support in our sources (Skutsch 1955: 20 ). Paulus' entry, however, would not imply that Aunus et Ocnus were viewed one and the same person. Etruscan Ocnus and the Ligurian 'sons of Aunus' were allies of Aeneas in the great battle for Italy, but that was the only situation when they met together.
Little can be said about the reading Oenigen-, except that the name of the founder of Mantua emerges as Oenus in a biography of
36 AE 1997, 151, cf. Oivoysvn? BGU 4, 114, see Harris 2000.
37 Verg. Aen. 10, 198-203; Servius auctus ad Aen. 10, 198; Sil. Ital. 8, 598599.
38 Verg. Aen. 11, 700-701.
Virgil composed by Italian humanist Sicco Polenton (it forms a part of his De scriptoribus illustribus latinae linguae, 1437). In the first version of the same work (1426) Ocnus is named Octonus (Ziolkowski & Putnam 2008: 321, 369-372 ). All these are trivial scribal errors.
The reconstructed *Ocnigena could have been applied to people of Northern Italy in Late Republican or Early Augustan epics, and its way to Paulus' Epitome must have been similar to that of Opigena.
It can be surely stated that poetic compounds in -gena and -genus were never used by Verrius Flaccus or Festus in their own text, and they could rarely appear even in quotations. The status of these words must have changed in Carolingian Latin. They had been mere ornamental devices of Classical poetry, and they became a feature of learned language of refined Carolingian intellectuals. They had been closely connected to the concept of heroic genealogy, a key idea of paganism, but they became a part of Christian Discourse. The attention that Paulus paid to these rare words can probably show that, while abridging the De verborum significatu, he thought about building his language skill.
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A. E. Kuznetsov. Opigena Iuno and Etruscan Ocnus: Their Way to Paulus' Epitome De Verborum Significatu
Two instances for compounds in -gena or -genus preserved in the De verborum significatu are studied in the paper: Paulus 200,7 M 221 L Opigenam and Paulus 195,2 M 211 L oenigenos. I argue that both entries were interpolated bv Paulus, who recombined the material that was presented in Festus' work. It can be demonstrated that the ultimate source of Paulus' etymology Opigena was the Chapter 5, 10 (57-74) of Varro's De lingua Latina, but the epithet Opigena could not be an old and traditional religious or cult term. Poetic compounds in -gena were developing extensively in pre-Augustan and Augustan times and thev were of no interest for Verrius Flaccus or Festus. The status of these changed in Carolingian Latin, when they became a feature of learned and refined language. The attention that Paulus paid to these words demonstrates that he considered them useful in building his language skill. I argue that the obscure oenigenos can be read as Ocnigenas.
Keywords: Paulus, Festus, Verrius Flaccus, Varro, Iuno, Latin wordformation.
