Language and archeology: some methodological problems. 1. Indo-European and Altaic landscapes Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

Anna Dybo

Russian State University for the Humanities (Moscow)

Language and archeology: some methodological problems. 1. Indo-European and Altaic landscapes

The article is the first part of a larger work that represents an attempt to systematize our ideas on the natural environment and material culture of the Proto-Indo-Europeans. It is based on a more or less complete selection of reconstructed words from the appropriate semantic areas and on their comparison with a similar selection performed for a proto-language of similar time depth, whose speakers evidently inhabited a territory that was not in contact with the Proto-Indo-European one — Proto-Altaic. In this part, only the words that belong to the semantic field of landscape terms are analyzed. The main conclusion is that the hypothesis of a steppe environment is more applicable for the Proto-Altaic population, whereas for Proto-Indo-Europeans a mountainous region seems more appropriate. As for the water bodies, for Proto-Indo-Europeans we should suppose the existence of a sea (or of a very big lake), and for speakers of Proto-Altaic, the existence of very big rivers with season floods.

Keywords: Indo-European homeland, Altaic homeland, Wörter und Sachen, semantic reconstruction, proto-lexicon.

In order to reconstruct the phylogenetic tree of a language family, it is essential to understand what the human language is in general, and how the individual languages could be classified as nodes on one phylogenetic tree. Language may be considered a semiotic system that consists of signs and relations between signs, and serves to transmit information within a community; it is independent of individual speakers, and it has the property of changing over time. As a rule, the language sign is a two-sided entity that includes both "semantics" and "text". The link between the semantic side and the textual side is arbitrary, conditioned by the tradition of each individual language. Therefore, any homogeny between the textual sides of the words (morphemes, signs) and the same meanings in two different languages (which is what linguists often observe in practice) needs an explanation. If the homogeny involves large sets of words, random coincidence is statistically unlikely. For this reason, the basic assumption of comparative historical linguistics is that these multiple homogeneous coincidences indicate that any such pair of signs represents two different reflections of one proto-sign.

The matches between the textual sides should not be necessarily exact (literal); most often, two sets of words in two languages can be deduced from a third (hypothetical), "deep", form of the words through the application of regular phonetic rules. These "deep" forms, coupled with their meanings, are considered as proto-signs, which allows for their historic interpretation. Namely, we believe them to have been integral constituents of a proto-language that is reflected in both of the recent languages. But if such a proto-language existed, there must also have been a certain community of speakers that used this proto-language for communication. This raises the question of what kind of people this community included, where it was located and how it functioned.

Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 9 (2013) • Pp. 69-92 • © Dybo A., 2013

It is quite reasonable to try and find any facts from other historical disciplines that could verify the existence of such a community. However, in doing that, one should not forget about the basic meaning of the term "Proto-Indo-Europeans" — a hypothetical ethnos that used to speak the reconstructed Proto-Indo-European language, which is pretty much all that we definitively know about it. Consequently, it is the linguistic part of the information that shall get priority in our research by definition.

Since most of human history lies outside the boundaries of historical records, our only possibility of retrieving lost knowledge lies in the comparison of the results of archeological excavations with the data of our linguistic reconstruction. As far as interdisciplinary cooperation is concerned, this comparison involves two types of problems. The first one is that the correlation between any particular archeological culture and any particular protolanguage cannot be established directly: there is no reason to think that the area occupied by this culture was inhabited at the time by speakers of only one language. Consequently, talking about, e.g., an "Indo-European archeological culture", generally makes little sense. The other part, of a more subjective and technical nature, is that, unfortunately, interaction between these two disciplines is often belated, so that the archeologists build their models on fifty-year-old linguistic data, and vice versa.

However, in some cases we can state that the presumable speakers of a particular proto-language could (or could not) be the subjects of a particular culture or inhabit a particular area. This can be established by analyzing the reconstructed lexical corpus, with a simple assumption: we expect that if a word that defines, e.g., a 'plough', is reconstructible for a proto-language, then the speakers of this language could talk about ploughs and, therefore, possess them.

Now the reconstruction of the proto-lexicon involves not only the reconstruction of the phonetic shape of the word or stem, but also the reconstruction of the word's meaning(s). When reconstructing the phonological aspects of the lexical entities, we have strict criteria that help us distinguish between genetically conditioned and typologically conditioned features. In the case of semantic reconstruction, these criteria are far more obscure. In general, linguists are guided by vague ideas of semantic similarity; at best, they rely on typologically similar cases of semantic change that are historically attested for different languages. Thus, the reconstruction of the so-called "world picture" for any proto-ethnos often places the researcher on shaky ground. It is clear that such work (traditionally defined as studies in Wörter und Sachen) should be more productive if the material were to be organized typologically. But any such typology should be founded on compatible data sets. If we produce a "proto-cultural reconstruction" for, e.g., Indo-European, it does not become more convincing by features that reveal any similarity with the "world picture" of "archaic peoples", regardless of whether we are talking of, e.g., the Bushmen (San), the aboriginal Australians, or "of the Shoshonies and Blackfeet". On the contrary — if we do not see any differentiating features, it is highly probable that what we have before us is not a reconstructed "world picture" that is specific for Proto-Indo-Europeans, but a general set of typologically natural archetypes, constructed in accordance with the personal beliefs of the researcher.

For some years already, we have been working on the reconstruction of Proto-Altaic culture, using the reconstructed Proto-Altaic vocabulary. Now that, with the publication of EDAL, we have at our disposal at least two more or less fully and reliably reconstructed proto-lexicons for two similarly dated proto-languages (6th-5th mill. bc for Proto-Altaic, 5th-4th mill. bc for Proto-Indo-European), it becomes possible to compare these proto-lexicons with particular attention to the semantic areas that are most diagnostic for the proto-homeland and protoculture of both of these hypothetical ethnic groups.

Of the two, the problem of Indo-European proto-homeland and proto-culture has a long tradition. Today, three hypotheses on the IE proto-homeland are most popular: the Northern Black Sea steppe area (validated in the works of M. Gimbutas and endorsed, among others, by P. Friedrich, D. Q. Adams, J. P. Mallory, D. W. Anthony), the Balkans or Carpatho-Balkan area (validated by a number of Hungarian archeologists and, in Russia, by I. M. Diakonoff, V. A. Sa-fronov), and the Anatolian area (supported by V. V. Ivanov, T. V. Gamkrelidze, C. Renfrew). Since the Proto-Altaic reconstruction is much younger, there is currently but one hypothesis on the Proto-Altaic homeland, suggested by G. Ramstedt and supported by K. H. Menges — one that is in agreement with the very name of this language family.

The basic works that are used below, as concerns the Indo-European side of the study, are Гамкрелидзе & Иванов 1984, Schrader & Nehring, Benveniste 1970, WP (and the database created by S. L. Nikolaev on the basis of this dictionary1), Pok., Friedrich 1979, Renfrew 1987, and Adams & Mallory 1997. The main source on Altaic material is EDAL; apart from that source, we also consult some older works on Altaic linguistics, such as the series of papers by Leningrad scholars, led by V. I. Tsintsius, that analyze fragments of the Common Altaic cultural lexicon (published in such series as ОСЛАЯ, ИОЭАЯ, АЭ). Cf. also my own paper А. Дыбо 1997.

Reconstruction of semantic features in a proto-language may be formalized if we consider the variability of the meanings of individual reflexations as a kind of polysemy (analogous to polysemy within one language or one small group of closely related languages), and then work with this polysemy by comparing it with the common ways of semantic derivation that are attested in synchronic semantics.

Naturally, our definition of "proto-lexemes" will be restricted to non-derived words2 or such derivatives as can be reconstructed for the proto-language and cannot be explained as having been separately derived in some daughter languages after a productive pattern3.

Reconstruction of lexical items that are relevant for the proto-culture involves a number of problems concerning the semantic description of the so-called "encyclopedically loaded" semantic fields, or "lexics of concrete lexicon". It should be noted that, when working on the entities of an encyclopedically loaded semantic field, the semantic description that is appropriate for historical studies can be obtained if we divide the semantic features that structure the field (or a lexical microsystem within the field) into "functional" ones and "formal" (or "topo-

1 http://starling.rinet.ru/cgi-bin/response.cgi?root=config&morpho=0&basename=\data\ie\piet&first=1

2 The types of derived words that may, however, be included in the procedure of semantic reconstruction for substantive entities were defined in A. 4h6o 1996: 29; these include diminutives (diminutive affixes are almost always semantically "empty", working almost exclusively as stem-building morphemes), substantivated adjectives and locative names. Such reflexations can usually be identified with primary names.

3 For this reason, we do not consider such words from Mallory & Adams 2006 as, e.g., *mldholeha- 'clay' (e.g., OE molde 'sand, dust, soil' [NE mould], Grk malthe 'modelling mixture of wax and pith', Skt mrd- 'clay, loam'), since they are derived (by means of heterogeneous suffixes) from the verb *mel- 'to grind'. The second word from Mallory & Adams 2006 to denote 'clay' (*tkwrehiyot- > Olr cre 'clay', Lat creta 'chalk', Toch A tukri and Toch B kwriye, both 'clay') is rather a term for pottery material, not for a type of landscape. No PIE landscape term can be seen in the connection between OE swelle 'slope, rise in land' and Toch B sale 'mountain', since, contra Mallory & Adams 2006, neither of them can be traced back to PIE *swelno- 'slope'. The PToch form, according to Adams 651, can be reconstructed in two ways: a) *sw'ale < PIE *swelo-, probably related to Germanic *swel- 'to swell', which is proposed as the formative stem for OE swelle, but not with the same suffix; b) *s'alwe, from a putative PIE *selwo- and connected with Latin silva 'forest' (with dialectal -i- for -e-). The majority of stems, considered below, can be reconstructed as noun stems (often as root nouns) for PIE, and their suffixal extensions in different languages can be interpreted as adjectival or diminutive ones.

graphic") ones. The words whose meaning contains "functional" elements are the basic points of the semantic structure of the field, while their "topographic" capacity and types of regular polysemy define the direction of semantic shifts undergone by other words of the field.

As an example, among the different names for 'dwelling' one often finds two types of names for 'house'. Those with a functional value mean not only 'a certain type of building', but also 'locus of the subject'. These words show a regular polysemy: 'house' — 'the house-dwellers' — 'the family living in the house'. It is clear that such words are basic for the field, generally more frequent and better revealing the tendencies of semantic evolution within their particular semantic field (such as English house, Russian дом). Other words (such as English cottage, Russian хижина) serve to denote only specific types of buildings and do not have such polysemy. The main problem in reconstructing the semantics of the "encyclopedically loaded" words is to reconstruct the "topographic" features, since the functional features are generally preserved or can be traced in the evolution of the lexical field, while the "topographic" ones may be simply replaced along with changes in the surrounding environment, so that, in order to trace them, we have to use indirect evidence (e.g., one can suggest the presence of a rectangular type of dwelling if the language had a regular polysemy between 'inner angle' and 'a part of the dwelling').

Another point is that it is important not only to choose the "diagnostic" proto-words that are the most relevant ones for the problems involved, but to consider the full scope of available etymological evidence in all thematic fields, which permits us to compose a complete picture of the lifestyle shared by the speakers of the proto-language.

Below I list an example of a group of "proto-words", prepared for the procedure of semantic reconstruction. This is the comparison of two fragments of Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Altaic systems of landscape terms.4

Landscape

Indo-European

"Earth as place" — "earth as soil"

PIH *dg'hom/*dg'hem 'earth, soil, territory, earth surface': Hitt. tekan 'territory, soil, earth surface', dagan, tagan 'down, to the earth', HLuw takamia 'Erde', Luw. tijammi id.; OInd. ksah, gen. jmah, ksmah 'earth, soil, habitation place', Avesta zo, gen. zamo, acc. zqm, loc. zami 'earth, soil, territory'; Grk. xQ^v, -ovo; f. 'earth, soil, country', Slavic *zem-ja; *zem-b 'earth, soil, country'; Baltic *jem-ia f. 'earth, soil, country, world'; Latin hum-us, -i/-us f. (/m.) 'soil', humilis 'low'; Tokhar A tkam, B kem 'soil, country, earth surface'. WP I 662, Pok. 414-416, WH I 654, Buck 16, Kloekhorst 858-862, Adams 192, MA 174. # ? Nostr. *DVG- 'earth', PA *tago, Kart *diq-, Drav *TuK- MCCH3 342, OCHfl 1, 220.

Altaic

"Earth as place"

PA *nalV 'earth, country': PT *jalay 'open treeless place, steppe, glade'; PNM *nalai 'wide, vast'; PTM *na 'earth, dry land, field'; Kor. *nara(h) 'country'. # Nostr.: Dr. *nel- 'earth' (DED 2913).

PA (East) *miot'i 'earth, dry land': Kor. *mut 'dry land'; PJa. *mita (~ -u-) 'earth'.

PA (West) *ner-(k)a 'earth, floor': PT *jer 'earth as world, earth surface, territorium'; PNM *jirgi 'litter of grass or leaves; doormat'; PNTM *nerke 'earth, world; place under the hearth'.

PA *mugda 'earth; place': PCT *bodun 'people'; PM *muji 'territory, province'; PTM *megdi / *mugdi 'step precipitous bank'; Kor. *mat(h) 'place, enclosed place,

4 For a detailed overview of problems usually encountered in the semantic reconstruction of landscape terms, see Толстой 1969, Невская 1977.

The illustrative external cognates are adduced according to references; if any reference lacks, the comparison originates from the Nostratic database made within the Tower of Babel project, mostly by S. A. Starostin, G. S. Starostin, S. L. Nikolaev and me. See http://starling.rinet.ru/cgi-bin/main.cgi?root=config&morpho=0

Indo-European

Altaic

PIH *wedn-/*udn- 'earth, soil, territory': Hitt. utne- n. 'country, village'; Armenian getin 'soil' Martirosian 2006; Grk. (?) oöSa;, -eo; n. 'soil, earth surface'; eSa-^o; (*wedn-) n. 'floor, soil, earth surface' WP I 254, Buck 17-18, Beekes 373.

PIE (Celt-Ital) *teres- 'earth, soil, territory': Latin terra f. 'earth, soil, country, world', terrestris, -e 'placed on the earth', terrenus, -a 'earthen'; Oskish teer[um], terum 'territorium', teras 'terrae'; Celtic *teros-, *teres- ? > OIrish tir n. 'district'; Breton tir 'earth, dry land, soil, country, world' WP I 737, WH II 636, 694, Pok. 1078-1079 (derived from *ters- 'trocknen'). # Nostr *tVr'V 'earth, dust', PA *tor'e 'soil, dust', Kart *mtwe[r]-.

PIE *mag(')h- 'earth, soil, place': OInd. mahi f. 'world, soil'; Celtic *mag- > Gallic Arganto-magus; OIrish mag 'plain earth, unworked field'; Cymr. ma 'place' WP II 257, Pok. 709. # Nostr. *magV 'earth', PA *mügda, (?) Ur *ma^e. MCCH3 342.

PIE *tolH-/*telH-/*ttH-(m)on 'earth, soil, plain place': OInd. talima- n. 'building yard)'; Armenian that 'place, district', thatar 'earthen'; Slavic *tblo, Baltic *tal-u- c. 'floor, bottom, lower part' (OLith. Patulas 'Gott des unterirdischen Reiches', Lith. tiles f. pl. "wooden decking on the bottom of a boat"; OPrus talus 'Fussboden des Zimmers' V. 207; Patollus or Potollos 'Gott des unterirdischen Reiches'); Latin tellüs, gen. -üris f. 'earth, dry land, soil, country, world'; Celtic OIrish talam, gen. talman 'soil, earth surface, territory' WP I 740, Pok. 1061, MA 174. # Nostr. *talV 'level ground', PA *tale MCCH3 355.

"Bad earth"

? PIE (Eur.) *mak(')- 'sandy soil, marsh': Germanic *mox-a- m. 'sandy soil', Celtic *m[a]k-ni- > OIrish moin 'marsh, peatbog'; OIrish macha 'plain earth' WP II 226 ("unsicher"). Differently in Pok. 699-700. # Nostr. *mVKV 'hill, bank', Ur. *mäke MCCH3 371.

yard'; PJa. *mati 'street, quarter'. # ? Ur. *mäke 'hill' (MCCH3 371).

"Earth as soil" - "bad earth" ("sand", "marsh", "salt marsh")

PA *tore 'earth, soil, dust': PCT *tof 'dust' (OT uz'a tuman turdi, asra toz turdi "The fog was hanging above, The dust was rising below"); PNM *tor-tag 'soot, flying dust'; PTung *turV 'earth as soil, territory, world'; Kor. *tiri 'field, steppe', PJa. *tara 'dirt'.

PA *siari 'earth, sand; marsh': PT *siaf '(salt) marsh'; PM *sirayu 'soil, dust'; PTM *siru- 'sand'; Kor. *hark 'earth as soil'; PJa. *situ 'marshland, fen, swampy soil'.

PA *maro 'sand, cobble-stone soil, marsh': PT *bor 'soil, clay, chalk'; PNM *mara- 'salt marsh'; PNTung *mar- 'moor, marsh'; Kor. *mor(r)ai 'sand', mamara-'coarse, cobble-stone soil'; PJa. *mana-n-kua 'sand'.

PA (West) *kiumo 'sand, earth': PT *Kum 'sand'; PM *kumaki 'earth as soil; powders'; PTung *kume 'seashore, beach; barrow'.

PA (West) *kiajurV 'sand, salt marsh, earth': PT *Kajir 'sandy, mellow soil; soil; pebble; pebbly; salt marsh'; PM *kujir 'salt marsh'; PNTung *kujur- 'to cover with ground; to bury'.

Indo-European

Altaic

"Sand — pebble" (+ "sandbank, beach")

PIE *k(')ag(')hl- 'pebble': Grk. KdxAr|£, -r|Ko; 'Stein, Kiesel' m. 'pebble in river-bed'; Germanic *xagl-a- m., n. 'hail' WP I 338, Pok. 518.

PIE (Eur.) * g'eis- 'gravel, sand': Baltic *^eis-r-a f., -ac., *jis-r-a- c. 'gravel, coarse sand'; Germanic *kis-a- m., n., *kis-il-a- m. 'gravel, sand' WP I 553, Pok. 356. # Nostr. *kwi3wV 'sand': Alt. *kiajurV 'sand, steppe, earth' EDAL 693-694; Ur. *kOcV 'Sand; sandige Stelle' UEW 226; Kart. Georg. kenc- 'pebble' (cf. Georg. kvisa, Svan. kwise 'sand' ?); Drav. SDr *kesar- (*-i-) 'mud, mire' DED 2020. Blazek 1992 135; ND 954, 990a, 1103; A. Dybo 2005.

PIE (GA) *k'ork-/*k'rk- 'pebble': OInd. sarkara- m., sarkara f. 'pebble, gravel; granulated sugar'; Grk. kqokti, KQOKdAr| f. 'smoothed pebble on a seacoast' WP I 463, Pok. 615, Buck 51, MA 547.5

PIH *pe(n)s- 'sand, pebble': Hitt. passila- c. 'pebble', (?) passu-, pissu- 'stone block'; OInd. pamsu- m., pamsuka-n. 'sand, dust'; Avesta pqsnu- 'dust, sand'; Slavic *pes-'k'b 'sand' WP II 68, Pok. 824 (deriv. from *pes- 'blasen'; this could explain sporadic nasalisation but is not quite satisfactory from the semantic point of view), Kloekhorst 650, 652, MA 499.

? PIE *psabh- 'sand, pebble': Grk. ^dppo-; f. (/m.), ^dpp-r| f. 'sand', f. 'pebble'; Latin sabulum, -i n.

'sand, pebble', sabulo, -onis m. 'coarse-grained sand, gravel' WH II 458. Differently in Pok. 145-146, MA 499.

? PIE *samHdh- 'sand': Armenian awaz 'sand'; Grk. dpa8o-; f. 'sand'; Germanic *samd-a- m., f. 'sand' Frisk I 84, Buck 1.215. Differently in Pok. 145-146, MA 499.

"Ore"

PIE *woHr-/*owHr- 'ore, ore-bearing soil': OInd. valu-ka- f. 'sand', Germanic *aur-a- n., m.; *ur-a- n. 'iron sand, ore' Orel 437; Latin urium, -i n. 'gob'; Celtic OIrish ur 'earth, clay'; Tokhar A waryanc, B warance 'sand, gold dust' Adams 578, differently Mayr. EWA 2, 547.

Many names for different types of stones:!6

PIH *h2ek(')h2-mon,*ka-mon (< *keh2-mon-) 'stone, rock': Hitt. aku- c. 'stone', akuwant- 'stony'; OInd. asman-'stone, rock; firmament, cloud'; Avesta asman- 'stone, sky', OPers. asman- 'sky', Grk. aKpwv, — ovo; m. 'an-

PA (West) *t'ap'o(rV) 'earth as soil, dust': PT *topra-k 'earth as soil'; PM *toyur- 'soil; dust'; PTung *tap- 'clay; to soil'.

"Sand — pebble" (+ "sandbank, beach")

PA (East) *3ajk'V 'pebble': PTM *§axar(a) 'pebble'; Kor. *cjaka- 'pebble; mother-of-pearl'.

PA *sajV 'pebble; shallow place': PT *saj ' shallow place with pebbles; arroyo with pebbles; wadi; river'; PNM *sajir 'river-bed, pebble'; PTung *saj- 'sandy mound'; Kor. *sai-m 'spring, shallow well'; PJa. *sai 'sandbank'.

PA *al'i 'sand, clay': PT *aAu > PCT *asu 'red clay', PM *ele(r)-su 'sand, pebble'; PTung *al- 'dirt; bight'; PJa. *isa-, *isua 'shore, coast'.

PA (East) *iyu 'sandbank': PTM *(x)irja 'sand or pebble on the riverbank, sandbank; spit'; Kor. *jS 'reef, rock in a sea'; PJa. *ia 'bay'.

A single name for stone:

PA *tiol'i 'stone': PT *dial' 'stone'; PM *cilayu 'stone'; PTung *jola 'stone'; Kor. *torh 'stone'; PJa. *(d)isi 'stone'.

5 According to MA, the argument against the IE origin in this and many other cases is that "there are comparable forms in non-IE languages, so this is probably a substrate word". Naturally, without any specific hypotheses that speak strongly in favor of borrowing, this argument does not need to be taken into consideration.

6 See also MA 547-548.

Indo-European

Altaic

vil', Slavic *kamy, gen. -ene, Baltic *ak-mo (*ak-men-es) 'stone'; Germanic *xam-ar-a- m.; *xam-al-; *xum-Vl-'stone, rock, hammer'; Celtic Gallic acaunum 'rock, cliff, lump, block'. WP I 28, Pok. 18-22. The variability of re-flexations could be caused by the contamination of two stems, presumably *akmon/r- 'stone'7 and *k'em-er/n-'sky, cloud' (cf. Hitt. kammara- c. 'Wolke, Dunst, Qualm, Rauch' Tischler 472-473, Germ. *xim-in-a-, *xim-il-a- m., Celt. Gael. cwmwl, Bret. koumoul, Corn. comol 'cloud' — here rather than borrowed < Lat. cumulus 'heap' [Differently in Pok.]).

PIE *glewH- 'round stone, lump': OInd. glau- m. 'round lump'; ? Slavic *gly-b-a 'lump'; Germanic *kliuw-an- m., n., -o(n-) f.; *klunj-a- n. 'round stone'; Celtic OIrish glo-snathe, glao-snathe 'plummet'. WP I 612, Pok. 363 (sub *gel- 'round').^^B

? PIE *twrd-/*tword- 'hard stone, quartz; hard as quartz': Grk. odpSio-v n. 'name of a precious stone, jewel', 'Sarder, Karneol'; Slavic *tvbrdrb(jb) 'hard'; ? Baltic > Lith. tvirta-s 'fest, stark, hart' (acute because of Winter's law; -t-secondarily), Germanic *[$]wart-'quartz' WP I 747 (differently in OacMep and Pok. 1101, Beekes 1308 (derived from LdpSei;)).

? PIE *k'eHil- 'stone, rock, stone flag': OInd. sila f. 'stone, rock, cliff'; Armenian sal 'stone flag, anvil' WP I 454, Pok. 541-542 (from k'e(i)- : k'o(i)- : k'a(i)- 'to sharpen'), Mayr. EWA 2, 640 ("Nicht aufgeklärt"). # Nostr. *kElV 'stone', Kart *kl-, Drav *kal-.

PIE *lep- 'stone, rock': Grk. Aena; n. 'nude rock, cliff', Aenmo- 'rocky, cliffy'; Latin lapis, gen. -idis m. (/f.) 'stone, jevel' (< *lep-ed-s), Umbric abl. vapere 'throne' WP II 431, WH I 761, Pok. 678, Beekes 848 ("Mediterannean borrowing").

PIE *Hond-/*Hnd- 'stone, rock': OInd. ädri- m. 'stone, rock, mountain'; Celtic *ondes-: MIrish ond, onn, gen. uinde 'stone, rock' Pok. 778, Mayr. EWA I 165, MA 547.

PIE *pels-/*pjs- 'stone, rock': OInd. pasana- m., pasi f., pasya- n. 'stone, rock'; Iranian Pashto parsä 'stone, rock'; Grk. neAAa f. 'stone'; Germanic *filz-ä- n., *filis-a-; *fulVs- 'rock'; Celtic *p\so- > OIrish all, gen. alle 'rock, cliff' Pok. 807, MA 548, Mayr. EWA 2, 125, Beekes 1168 ("Pre-Greek").

PIE *stehzi-(n-) 'stone, pebble': Grk. orla f., orlov n. 'pebble'; Slavic *stena 'stone, rock, wall'; Germanic *stai-n-a- m. 'stone'. WP II 610 f., Pok. 1010-1011 (as deriv. from stai- 'to condense, press together', which is se-mantically unlikely), Beekes 1405.

PIE *g'hwerzd-, *g'herzdw- 'sharp stone, gravel': Avest. zarstva- n. 'stone'; Grk. xepoo; (att. xeppo;) f. 'Festland',

7 The rule of regular depalatalization before resonants in Balt. and Slav. (MA 547) does not work, cf. Slav.

*ostrb < *os-r-, Balt. *ac-r-u- id., Lith. slapia- 'nass, feucht' etc.

Indo-European

Altaic

Slavic *gvbrsta, *gvbrstb, *zbrstva, *grbstva, Baltic *3wifzd-a- c., -ia- c., -ia- f. 'gravel'; Latin pl. herna, gen. -örum 'stones, rocks' (*g'hers-no-; sabin. nach Serv. Aen.) WH I 643, Beekes 1626, Fraenkel 1328, Pok. 445-446 (as deriv. from *g'her- 'starren', which is semantically unlikely).

PIE *lehiw- (leu- : lau- Pok.) 'stone': Gr. hom. Aäa<;, Gen. Aäo? 'Stein' (Ausgleichung von ursprüngl. *Af|pa<;; Aapa[a]o<; n.), att. Aäa<; und Aä? m., Gen. Aäou usw.; hom. Aaiy£, Pl. Aaiyyec; f. 'Steinchen' (wohl mit Suffixtausch für *AäiyK-, vgl. kelt. *liuank-) [Differently by Beekes 817, MA 547: Myc. ra-e-ja 'of stone'and Cypr. la-o-se show the lack of p]; KpaxaiAew? 'hartfelsig' (*-Ar|po<;); att. Aeuw 'steinige' (eAeuaOqv), Aeuaxqp 'Steiniger' (aus *Ar|ua-, idg. *leus-); ablaut. (*laus-) Aauaxqp m. 'Steinarbeiter' > 'mühselig, elend, mit Steinen belegter Hausgang'; neben dem -a?-St. ein -ap-St. *Aäpap als Grundlage von att. Aaupa, ion. Aaupn 'in Fels gehauener Weg, Gasse', Aaüpov ■ pexaAAov äpyupou rcapä Ä8r|vaLOL<; Hes., Berg Name Aaupeov; Alb. lere, -a 'Gestein, Felssturz' (*läuera), Celt. *ltuank-, < PIE. *leuank- 'stone'. WP II 405, Pok. 683, Matasovic 242 (*lehiu-s, Gen. *lhiW-os).

Flat part of relief: "plain earth" — "uncultivated earth" — "free space"8

PIE (Eur.) *k(')aito- 'forest, uncultivated earth, pasture': Germanic *xai&-i-z f. 'uncultivated earth, pasture' Orel 154; Latin bü-cetum '(cow) pasture'; Celtic *kayto-'wood'. WP I 328 f, Buck 47, Pok. 521, Matasovic 198.

PIE (Eur.) *londh-/*lndh- 'free land, heath, steppe': Slavic *l§da, *l§do, *ledja 'waste ground, clearing overgrown with trees'; Baltic *lind-a- n. 'valley'; Germanic *land-a- n.; 'place, field' Orel 235; Celtic *landa 'open land, pasture, steppe' WP II 438, Pok. 675, Trautmann 157 (from lendh- 'Lende; Niere', semantically unlikely), Matasovic 232.

PIE *wen-/*wn- 'outside, forest, field': OInd. vana- n. 'forest, tree'; Avesta vana- 'tree', MPers. van, NPers. bun 'tree'; Slavic *vbm 'outside'; Germanic *win-jö f., *wun-jö f. 'meadow' WP I 258 (differently in Pok. 1146-1147).

PIE *ghaw- 'space around the village, waste land': Arm. gavarr 'Landstrich, Gegend'; Grk. x«o<;, -eo?/-ou? n. 'unbeschränkter Raum, Luftraum; weite Kluft, Schlund'; 'Chaos'; Germ. *gau-ja- n., -jö f., -jan- m. 'country, environment' Orel 128. WP I 465, Pok. 449 (as deriv. from gheu- : ghö(u)- : ghau- 'to yawn, gape' which is sem. unlikely). # Nostr. PA *keba(rV) 'field, steppe' 749.

Flat part of relief: hilly steppe. "Plain earth" — "steppe" — "eminence"

PA *keba(rV) 'field, steppe': PM *keyere 'open field, steppe, waste ground; taiga; wlderness'; PNTung *keber-'meadow, tundra, plain earth'; PJa. *kapi 'a valley between mountains'

PA (West) *c'oli 'steppe': PCT *col 'desert, steppe, plain earth (as opposition to qol 'valley' and dag 'mountain'); PNM *coli-d 'region dotted with lakelets'; PTM *culbi- 'hill, mound'.

PA (West) *k'iare 'plateau steppe, eminence': PT *Kir 'plateau, eminence, hilly steppe, desert; a single mountain; mountain top; plain earth; edge, bank'; PM *kira 'mountain ridge'; PTung *xiari- 'talus, precipice'

"Plain earth" — "open space" — "unpopulated space"

PA *biogo 'place, open place': PNM *buji- 'far off, unpopulated (place)'; PTM *biga 'field, steppe', PJa. *pia 'room, place; surroundings'.

PA *p'ala 'plain earth': PT *(h)ala-j 'open place, glade, meadow, plain earth, hills on the plain'; PTM *pala-n 'glade, plain place; floor'; Kor. *par(h)- 'fields, meadows'; PJa. *para 'field, plain earth, steppe'.

8 PIE *rowa- 'to open' > 'free space, plain earth': Avesta ravah- 'space, room', ravas-carat- 'free'; Germanic

*rüm-a- m., *raum-a- m. 'space, room'; Latin rüs, rüris 'country, village, field'; Celtic OIrish röe, röi 'plain field' (*rowesia), re 'space, room' (*rewia); Tokhar A, B ru- 'to open'. WP II 356 f., WH II 454, Pok. 874 — this is apparently a group of separate derivatives.

Indo-European

Altaic

PIE *pol-/*pel-/*pl- 'field, plain earth': Armenian hot 'soil, earth, field'; Slavic *pol-j-e; *pol-n-ina 'field; waste ground'; Germanic *fel-d-a- n., m. Orel 97, *ful-d-ö(n-) f., Orel 117 'plain earth, field, pasture', *fal-ön- f. (> OSwed fala 'Ebene, bes. baumlose; Heide') WP II 61; Pok. 805807 (together with pels-, pla- 'wide, plain'; but these reflexes have no traces of *-H-). # Nostr. PA *p'ala 'field, level ground', Drav. *pal- 'plain, valley'.

PIE *dhon-(w-) 'plain earth, wild place': Ind. dhänus-n., dhänvan- m., n. 'desert, arid land'; dhänu-, dhanü- f. 'sandbank, sandy shore'; Germ. *dan-jö f., *dan-ja- n., etc. 'den, forest dale'; VLat. danea 'area'. WP I 853, Pok. 249 (together with dhen- 'surface of hand').

Valley

PIH *Har- 'valley, vale, dale; grotto; swamp': Hitt. hari- c. 'valley'; Armenian ayr 'Spelunke, Grotte'; Baltic *ar-mo (-men-) c. 'swamp, marsh'. Tischler 172-173.

PIE *ank(')o- 'meadow, valley' Grk. ayKo; n. 'Bergschlucht, Felsental'; Germanic *ang-iö f.; *ang-ia- n.; *ang-r-a- m. 'meadow' Orel 19. WP I 60 f, Buck 28.P I 60, Pok. 45-47 (sub ank-, ang- 'to bow').

PIE *dholo-s: Iranian *dara- / darna- 'ravine, valley', Celtic *dola 'meadow, dale' (Wels döl 'valley, meadow'), Germ. *dal-a- n., m., *döl-, *dalj-a- m., n., *dal-jö(n-), ? *dil-jö(n-) f. (ON dalr 'valley', NE dale, OHG tal, Goth dals, Eng dell (*dhol-yo-), Slav. *dofa (*dhol-u-) 'valley, under side', WP I 864, Pok. 245-246, MA 618, ЭСMfl II 344-345, Beekes 551, Matasovic 103.

PIE *lonko/a-: Baltic *lanka (Lith. lanka 'valley, river-meadow', Lett. lanka 'low long flatland'), Slavic *lgka 'gulf, valley, meadow, marsh', Preromanian (Celt.?) *lanka 'depression, bed of a river' (< *lonka), Tocharian B lenke 'valley; cleft'. WP II 435, Trautmann 159, Pok. 676677, Adams 3043, MA 618.

PA (West) *t'ale 'open place': PM *tala 'steppe, open place'; PTM *talgi- 'far from the shore, open sea; quiet sea surface' # MCCHfl 355 (PIE *tela-).

Valley

PA *goblu 'valley': PCT *Kol 'river valley; ravine'; PM *gowl 'river, river valley; center'; PManch *gola 'middle of river bed, valley between mountains'; Kor. *kor 'valley'; PJa. *kura 'deep valley'

Meadow

PIE (Eur.) *wongh- 'meadow, field': Baltic *wang-u- c., *wang-a f., *wang-it-ia 'meadow, field' (OLith. vanga 'Acker', Lett. uodzite 'kleiner Bach; sumpfige Stelle im Wald', OPrus. Wangus 'Dammerau'; Kur. > Lett. vanga 'feuchte Wiese mit hohem Gras'); Germanic *wang-a- m. 'meadow, field' Pok. 1149 (Germ., sub ue-n-gh- 'to be bent').

PIE (Celt-Ital) *prat- 'meadow, hillock': Lat. pratum, -i n. 'Wiese', Celt. *rat- > MIr rath, raith f. 'Erdwand, Erdbank'; MCymr. bed-rawt 'Grabhügel, Grab', Cymr. beddrod m. 'Grabhügel, Grab', Bret. bez-ret 'Begräbnisplatz, Friedhof'. WH II 358.

PIE *louk- 'woodless field, lawn, glade': OInd. lokä-m. 'free, open space, world, place'; Baltic *lauk-a- m.

Indo-European Altaic

'field; woodless place in a forest'; Germanic *läux-ö / *laug-o f. 'lawn, glade'; Latin lücus, -i m. 'sacred grove', Oskish luvkei 'in lücö', ? Tokh. A lok, B lauke 'far' WP II 408, WH I 828; Pok. 687-690 (sub leuk- 'to shine'). PIE *poyHw-a 'meadow': Grk. att. noa, ep.-ion. noiq, dor. noia 'Gras, Kraut, Rasenplatz', aus *nmpä; Balt. *poywa > Lith. pieva (1) f. 'meadow' WP II 72, Pok. 793794 (sub pei(s)-, pi- 'fat, milk'), Beekes 1214. # To IE *pöi-, Nostr *pVnV 'to graze' MCCH3 354, OCHfl 3, 106-111.

If we interpret the variability of the meanings as polysemy within a language family, certain definite differences between Altaic and Indo-European may be observed. Thus, it appears that the type of polysemy that is quite familiar for us ("earth as place" — "earth as soil") is characteristic of Indo-European languages, but significantly less so for the Altaic languages, where the meaning "earth as soil" is often connected with such meanings as "bad soil", "marsh", "sand", "salt marsh". On the other hand, the Altaic languages have another series of words meaning "sand", related to the meanings "pebbles" and "shallow place", and this word group has an exact semantic analog in the Indo-European languages. While there is only one name for "stone" in the Altaic languages, we find many names for different types of stones in Indo-European (which brings to mind the well-known story about the lack of a general name for "snow" in Eskimo and the diversity of specific names for different types of snow). Almost obligatorily figuring among the meanings related to the sense of "flat place, plain" in various Altaic groups is the meaning "hill, mound, mountain" — something that would be quite atypical of Indo-European languages. Common words meaning "meadow" as a clearing inside a wood exist in PIE but are absent in PA. This means that the ideas of the corresponding landscape objects must have been significantly different for speakers of Proto-Altaic and Proto-Indo-European.

Let us now try to demonstrate, as completely as possible, the sets of landscape terms that are reconstructible for PIE and for PA.

Mountainous terrain

Indo-European Altaic

Mountains PIE *gwh-ir- /*gwh1or- 'mountain': Pllr *gari-, Ind. giri-m. 'mountain', PIran. *gari- 'Berg', Grk. Seipd;, -dSo;, kret. Sr|Qd; f. 'Anhöhe, Bergrücken' (Hes.), Seipd 'mountain range' (Pind.) (< *gwhir-ya-); ßoped; 'Nordwind' (< *gwhtor-), Alb. gur 'Felsen, Stein' (*g"eri-); Slav. *gora (*gw3r-a) 'mountain > mountain forest', Balt. *gur-a- > Lith. güra-s 'Bergvorsprung', *gir-ja 'forest, tree' WP I 682, Pok. 477-478, Buck 25, 48, MA 270, Beekes 227, 311, ЭСИЯ III, 191-192. # Nostr. *gwVrV 'mountain, hill', PA *k'uri, Ur *kur3, Kart *gora, Drav *kur- (*-d-). Старостин 2007, 804. ? PIE *mon-(ti-) 'mountain': PIran. *mnti- > Av. mati 'Vorsprung des Gebirgs', Ital. > Lat mons, -tis m. 'Berg, Cliffs PA (West) *kadV 'rock': PCT *K(i)aja 'rock'; PM *kada 'rock'; PTM *kada- 'rock'. PA (West) *bajV 'rock': PCT *bAjir 'hill, foot-hill; outness'; PNM *baji-ca 'rock'; PNTung *baj- 'rock, cliff' PA (East) *p'ak'o 'rock, cliff': PSTung *pakta 'hill, mound; precipice; sand bank'; ? PKor *pahoi 'rock'; PJa *paki 'steep rock'. Hills, slopes PA *tujpe 'top of a mountain': PT *depo 'hill, top'; PM *dobu / *dobe 'hill'; PTM *duj- (~ *dub-) 'shore; mountain top; taiga region'; PJa. *(d)ipa 'rock, cliff'.

Indo-European

Gebirge', Celt. *monijo- > OIr -monid; Cymr mynydd, Corn meneth, Bret menez 'Berg' WP II 263, Pok. 726 (sub *men- 'to tower'), MA 270, Matasovic 277.

PIH *peru-(n-) 'mountain top': Hitt. peru-na- (piruna-) c. 'Fels' (Friedrich 167), perunant- 'rocky', pirwa- 'bestimmte Art von Felsen (auch als Gottheiten)' (Friedrich 170); Ind. parvata- m., parvati-, parvati f. 'mountain, hill, rock'; paru- m. 'mountain', Av. paurvata- 'mountain'; Tokh. ? A parem 'rock, stone'. MA 547. # Nostr. *pVrV 'mountain, top', PA *p'ore 'top, mountain top', Kart Georg. prialo 'step rock', Drav *par- 'pebble, gravel'; *par- 'rock, stone slab'.

PIE (Eur.) *kaln- 'narrow passage': Slav. *koln-bcb 'ravine, narrow passage between mountains'; Lat. callis, -is m. 'schmaler Bergpfad, Triftweg, Gebirgstriften'. WP I 356, WH I 140, Pok. 524, ЭССfl 10, 140.

PIE *geHup-/*gHup- 'cave, den, mines': Grk. yunq f. 'den, vulture's nest' (Hes.), Slav. *zupa 'salt mine; grave'; Germ. *kuf-en-/*köf-en- m. 'cove, cave' Orel 222. WP I 555, OacMep 2, 65-66, Beekes 292 ("European substrate words"). # Nostr *kop'a 'hole, empty', PA *kobu 'hollow, cavity', Ur *koppa, Kart *kwab-. OCHfl 1, 232233, MCCH3 358.

PIH *kolHn-, *kolHm- 'top, hill, rock': Hitt. kalmara-, Luw. kalmaha- 'Berg'; Grk. KoAwvo? m., KoAwvq f. 'Hügel, Anhöhe, Stein-, Grabhügel'; ? KoAo^wv m. 'Gipfel, Spitze, Höhepunkt' statt "KoAa^wv auf Grund eines *koln-bho-s)'; Balt. *kaln-a- (2) c., *kalw-a (1) f. 'mountain'; Germ. *xall-u- c., *xull-i- c.; *xulm-a- m., -an-m. 'stone, rock' Orel 157; Ital. Lat collis, -is, abl. colle/colli m. 'Hügel, Anhöhe'; columen, (jünger) culmen, -inis n. 'Höhepunkt, Gipfel, First' [Celt. *kluka: OIr., Ir., Gael. cloch 'stone, rock', — non-IE borrowing in Matasovic 210]. WP I 433, WH I 197, Pok. 544, Buck 23-24, Beekes 742, MA 270 (as deriv. from *kelhi- 'rise, stand').

Hills, slopes

? PIE (PGA) *tungw- 'hillock': Ind. tunga- m. 'elevation, height, mountain'; tunga- 'prominent, lofty, high' Mayr. KEWA 1, 508 ("Nicht überzeugend erklärt"); Grk. Tupßo-? m. 'mound, burial mound, grave' Beekes 1517 ("Pre-Greek/Mediterannean word" because of Corcyr. tupo?). WP I 706. Or Greek = Lat. tumulus 'earth-hill', Arm. t'umb 'landfill, earthen wall', Celt. *tumbo- 'excrescence, hill' (Matasovic 394); if so, PIE *tum-bh-, not related with Ind. See Pok. 1072 (all from *teHw- 'to swell').

PIE *k(')onHm-/k(')neHm- 'slope, mountain forest': Grk. Kvr|p.6-? m. 'Berghang, Bergvorspur, Bergwald' Beekes 723; Germ. *xamm-a- m. 'mountain forest, fenced land' WP I 460, Pok. 613-614.

Altaic

PA (East) *tidu 'elevation': PTM *didu (~ j-) 'mountain ridge'; PKor *tutan 'hill, elevation'; PJa. *tutumi 'dike'.

PA (West) *dion(s)e 'slope, bank': (?) PT *jan 'side', PNM *denji 'terrace (between the steppe and the river bank)', PTung *dunse 'dry land, coast; wood, taiga'.

PA (East) *anta(gV) 'hill, slope': PTM *antaga 'slope of a mountain'; PKor *antak(h) 'hill'; PJa. *antuma 'East' # PIE *ant- (MCCH3 354).

PA biosa-gV 'woodless mountain slope': CT *basig 'field'; PNTung *bosoga 'northern slope'; PJa *basai 'early rice'.

PA *biuge 'slope, hill': ? PT > Oghuz *bogur 'mountain slope'; PNM *boyerug 'mountain slopes, hill'; PTung *buga(n) 'hill, mound'; ? PKor *pahoi 'rock'; PJa *ba 'hill, hillock'.

PA *k'uri 'hill, cliff': PCT *Korum 'rock, cliff, heap of stones'; PNM *kur 'precipice, rock'; PTM *xure 'mountain, rock'; PKor *korar 'embankment, boundary'; PJa *kurua 'dike, boundary'. # PIE *gwer- (WP 1, 682).

PA (West) *sira 'hill, high mountain': PT *sirt 'mountain ridge'; PNM *siro- 'rock, high mountain'; PTung *sirk- 'small hillock, cape'.

PA *uk'e 'hill': PNM *(h)ukaya 'hill'; PTM *(x)uKu-'hill'; PJa *bdka 'hill'.

PA (West) *iuna 'pit, ravine': PT *ijn 'pit, lair'; PNM *oni 'defile, gorge'; PSTung *uni 'small river, brook'.

To cross mountains

PA *al'a 'to cross (a mountain)': PCT *(i)aA- 'to cross (a mountain); to surpass'; PM *alu- 'on the other side; far away'; PTM *ala- 'to cross (a mountain); mountain pass'; PJa *asu 'steep bank, precipice'. # PIE *al- 'other side' (MCCH3 372, OCHfl 1, 274-275).

PA *dapa 'to cross (a mountain)': PM *daba- 'cross (a mountain)'; PTM *dab- 'to cross (a river)'; PJa *dama 'mountain'.

Indo-European Altaic

PIE (Eur.) *sledh- 'gentle slope, valley': Balt. *sle(d)-n-a-, *sled-n-u- adj., *sle(d)-n-ia f. (2), *sle(d)-sn-a- adj. (1), *sle(d)-sn-a- adj. 'flat, low (about a terrain); valley', Germ. *sladan (n) 'valley'. Orel 348; Fraenkel 829. PIE *ro(H)y-n-/w-/k- 'elevated stripe of land, sandbank': Ind. renu- m. 'dust, sand', Iran. *rai-ka- 'sand' (Mayr. EWA 1, 459); ESlav. *renb 'Sandbank' (Vasm. 3, 470); Balt. *roiw-ä f., *riw-ä f., -ia f. (Lith. rieva (4) 'Riff, Steikluft, Fels, Klippe, Hügel'; Lett. rive, riva 'erhöhter Streifen') Fraenkel 692; Germ. *rai-n-a-z m., *rai-n-ö(n-) f. 'boundary, strip of land, ridge' Orel 296; Celt. *royno-'route, road, mound' Matasovic 316. WP II 343, Pok. 326-332 (sub *er- : or- : r- 'to move').

Water landscape

Indo-European Altaic

Water-meadows, swamps PIE *selo/es- 'water-meadow': Ind. säras- n. 'lake, pond, pool' Mayr. EWA 2, 708; Grk. eAo? n. 'feuchte Wiese, sumpfige Niederung, Marschland', eAeio? 'palustris' Beekes 415; Slav. *selo n. (b) 'ploughed field; soil, country' OacMep 3, 596, Derksen 444 (but not to Lith. sala f. 4 'island' etc.!) WP II 507; Pok. 901; MA 370 (+ Wels heledd 'meadow along the river' < *sel-iya). PIE *pa(H)lw- 'clay, mud, morass': Ind. palvala- n. 'pool, small tank, pond' Mayr. EWA 2, 104; Grk. rcr|A6? Hes., Dor. naAo? m. 'Lehm, Ton, Schlamm, Kot, Morast' Beekes 1186 ("without convincing etymology"); Balt. *pal-ia- f. 'Sumpf, Moor' Fraenkel 1, 532; Lat. palüs, gen. -üdis f. 'stehendes Wasser, Sumpf, Pfütze' WH 2, 243 (Alb. pül 'Wald' borrowed from Balk.-Rom. *padülem < Lat. palüdem, Orel AlbD 353). WP II 55, Pok. 798-801 (sub *pels- 'full') # Nostr. *pVlV 'wash, flow', PA *p'ole 'wet, succulent; grass, plant', Ur. *pülk3. ? PIE *il-u- 'silt' (rather 'mud'): Grk. lAu?, -uo? f. 'Schlamm, Kott, Morast' Beekes 589; Slav. *jih 'bog, silt, mud' Derksen 211 (*jbh); Balt. *il-u- (1) adj. > Lett. tls 'very dark'. WP I 163, Pok. 499, MA 370-371. # Nostr. *nelV 'earth': PA *nalV 'earth, land'; Drav. *nel- 'earth' (DED 2913). A. 4H6O 2000. PIE (Eur.) *balH- 'marsh': Slav. *bol-nb-je n. (a) 'low meadow' Derksen 53; Balt. *bal-a f. 'Morast' Fraenkel 1, 30, Germ. *pöl-az 'pool' Falk & Torp 151, Orel 293 (Celt. Ir poll, pull; Cymr pwll < Germ.?). WP II 176 # Nostr. *palV 'swamp, marsh', PA *bialu 'dirt, mud'. MCCH3 331, OCHfl 2, 97-98. PIE (Eur.) *bholHt-om 'marsh': Slav. *bolto n. (a) 'swamp' Derksen 53; Balt. OPrus. *balt-an 'marsh' (in Water-meadows, swamps PA *t'eya 'lowland': PCT *tEy 'pond'; PTM *tey 'lowland; wide lake'; PJa *tani 'valley'. PA (West) *neku 'lowland, water meadow': PNM *nigu 'water-meadow'; PTM *nek-te 'lowland'. PA (East) *musV 'swamp, pond': PNTung. *musa 'grassy marsh'; PKor *mos 'pond, swamp'. PA *lepu(-nV) 'swamp': PNM *lobku 'marshy ground'; PTM *lebe(n)- 'swamp, marsh'; PKor *nip(h) 'swamp, marsh'; PJa *numa 'swamp, marsh'. PA *kut'i 'bog, marsh': PCT *Kute(re) 'bog, marsh'; PTM *kuta 'bog, pond'; PJa *kutai 'bog, marsh'. PA (West?) *tet'o 'swamp, water pool': PCT *TAdgun 'a big river'; PTM *detu 'swamp, mossy meadow'; PJa *da(n)ta 'backwater'. PA *stpe 'swamped ground, swamp vegetation': PNM *siber 'swamped forest'; PTM *sibe 'horse-tail, swamped ground where it grows'; PJa *simpa 'turf'.

Indo-European

Altaic

toponyms, Топоров 1, 189, Maziulis 1, 132); {Lett. Balates kalns 'Sumpfberg' < Slav.}; Germ. *puld-r m.: ONord. poll-r m. 'runde Bucht, Teich', MDutch polre, polder m., f. 'polder; dijk'; Dutch polder 'Marschland' (> EFris. polder 'Marschland') De Vries 427; Alb. balt'e f. (< *baltä, NPl neu.), Balt. m. 'swamp' (> Rum. baltä 'swamp', Middle Greek |ЗаАто;) Orel AlbD 15-16; near can be Illyr. *balta 'Sumpf', Lat. blatea f., 'Kotklümpchen', ODalm. balta 'Sumpfsee'. WP II 176, Pok. 118-120 (mixed).

PIE (Eur.) *k(')woin- 'marsh': Germ. *xwain-ö 'swampy field' Orel 197, *xwin- id. Falk & Torp 86; Lat. caenum, -i n. 'Schmutz, Schlamm, Kot, Unflat' WH 1, 132; Celt. OIr. cöennach 'Moos' WP I 469, Pok. 628 (sub k'uei- 'dirt').

PIE (Eur.) *dhongw- 'bog, marsh': Balt. *dang-ä f. 'bog, marsh' (> Lett. danga 'kotige Pfütze, weiches morastiges Land', length because of Winter's law); Germ. äank(w)-ö f., 'bog' Orel 68. WP I 851, Pok. 247-248 (sub *dhemd- 'to smoke').

PIE (Eur.) *pan- 'mud, slush, morass': Balt. *pan-ia f. > OPrus. pannean 'Moorbruch' Maziulis 3, 217; Germ. *fan-ja-n n. 'fen, marsh, mud' Orel 92; Celt. MIr an 'Wasser', enach 'swamp'; Gaul anam 'paludem'. WP II 5, Pok. 807-808, MA 370-371.

Shore

PIE *aHperos 'river bank, sea shore': Grk. qneLpo;, dor. arceipo; f. 'Ufer; Festland'; Germ. *öferaz, *öferan 'bank, shore' Orel 290; Arm. ap'n 'shore'. WP I 48, Pok. 53, MA 343.

? PIE (GA) *dhisn- 'sand-hill, dune': Ind. dhisnya- m. 'a heap of earth covered with sand on which the fire is placed' Mayr. KEWA 2, 103, Mayr. EWA 1, 792; Grk. 8l;, gen. 8lvo; (*dhisn-s, *dhisn-os, see Sihler 216) m./f. 'Haufen; Sandhaufen (am Meere), Düne, Gestade' Beekes 596 ("Without explanation"). WP I 835 f (differently in Pok.).

PIE (Eur.) *dhun- 'coast, (dry) land': Balt. *dun-ia- c., *dün-ia f. 'silt' Fraenkel 1, 109; Germ. *äun-ö f., *äun-az m. 'hill, dune' Orel 80. Pok. 263 (sub *dheu- 'to blow') # Nostr. *dVwnV 'shore, land', PA *diona.

Water, wave

PIH *weHr-/uHr- 'water, moisture': Luv. war- 'water' (wärsa is a form of nom.-acc. sg.) Melchert CLL 257; Ind. vari f. pl. 'streams, rivers'; vär, väri n. 'water'; Avest. vairi- m. 'See'; vär- 'Regen', Pers. bärän 'rain'; Arm. gayrr 'Sumpf, Schlamm'; OPrus wurs < *uras 'Teich' Maziulis III 271; Germ. *warön, *waraz m. 'liquid, water; sea'; Orel 451; Celt. ? MIr feraim 'giesse', ferad 'Feuchtigkeit'; Cymr gweren 'liquamen'; Tokh. *wär 'Wasser' (Adams 577). WP I 268, Buck 3, 45, Pok. 80, MA 636. Probably it

Island

PA *buk'e 'tall island': PCT *bük 'wood/hill/meadow on the river bank'; PM *buka 'hillock, canal'; PTM *büKa 'island'; PKor *puk 'heaping of earth'; ? PJa *baka 'hill'.

PA *siumi 'island; forest': PCT *simek 'forest on the river bank'; PTung *sumi 'foreland, shallow place; tussock'; PKor *sjSm 'island'; PJa *sïmà 'island'. # Nostr. *swajmV 'marsh': Ur. FU *sajm3 'Vertiefung, Senkung (mit einem Teich od. Bach)' UEW 457. A. Dybo 2005.

PA *siumqu 'island, shallow place': PNM *sinaya- 'island; bend of river'; PTung *sumqï 'tussock (in a swamp)'; PJa *suna 'sand'.

Shore

PA *bioro 'bank, rift': PCM *borgija 'river rift; hill, mound'; PTM *bir[u]-kan 'precipice; mountain'; PKor *pira 'bank'.

PA *giru 'shore; road': PT *Kirgak 'shore, edge'; PTM *giri 'shore, riverbed'; PKor *kirh 'road'.

PA *p'ire 'bank, steep bank': PM *her-gi 'steep bank'; PNTung *piri 'steep (slope, bank)'; PJa *pi(n)ti-pa 'bank'.

PA *sap'i 'shore': PCT *sep 'duct, river branch, bay'; PSTung *sapsV 'bank, shore'; PJa *sipa 'tide'.

Water, wave

PA *miuri 'water': PM *moren 'river'; PTM *mu 'water'; PKor *mir 'water'; PJa *mi(-n-tu) 'water'.

PA (West) *siuba 'water': PT *sib 'water'; PM *usu 'water'. # PIE *sew(a)-, PK *sw- (MCCH3 341).

PA (East) *lat'a 'wave': PSTung *lata 'wave, storm'; PJa *nanta 'open sea'.

PA (West) *calu 'wave, to overflow': PCT > Oghuz *dalga 'wave'; PM *dolgi-yan 'wave'; PNTung *jal- 'to overflow, to wave'. # PIE *sol- 'to flow'.

Indo-European

Altaic

should be distinguished from ? PIH *HewH- 'to be wet': Hitt. heu- 'Regen' (Tischler 238); hu-r-nai-l-ija- (I), hu-r-nu- (I) 'besprengen, befeuchten', Pal. huwarninai 'besprengt' (Tischler 305-306); Ind. avatá-, avatá- m. (*ew-n-t-) 'a hole, vacuity in the ground', aváni- f. 'stream, river, bed of a river'; Grk. ávaupo; 'wasserlos, von Bächen' Balt.: Lith. jáura, pl. -ös (1) 'Moorgrund, Sumpfland' Fraenkel 1, 198; Germ. *au-r-a-z m. 'wet soil; ocean' Orel 29, *ü-r-a-n n. 'drizzling rain, mist, fog' Orel 437, Lat. ürinari 'tauchen unter Wasser', ürinator 'Taucher'. WP I 268 f, Buck 37, 45, Pok. 78-81. MA 636 (iuHr-, Balt. + Thrak. iuras 'name of a river') or MA 539 (Ind. avata + Latv. avuots 'spring').

PIH *we(n)dh- 'water, wave'9 Friedrich 249-250, Adams 511, WP I 252, Pok. 80, MA 636 # Nostr. PA *udV 'rain', Ur. wete, Drav. *jed- 'water' MCCH3 334. Or to PA *untu 'whirlpool, tide'?

PIE *welam-lwlHm-, *wln- (< *wlm-?.) 'wave': Ind. ürmí- m., f. 'wave, billow'; Avest. varami- 'Woge, Welle'; Slav. *vblna, Balt. *wiln-i- (2), -ja f. 'wave'; Germ. *walmi-z 'well; boiling'; *wellö- f. (< *welna), *walla-z m. 'wave' Falk & Torp 269, Orel 444; ? Tokh. B yolme 'pond, pool' (Adams 513 with doubts); ? B lañe 'flood' (Adams 547). WP I 298, Pok. 1140-1142, MA 637 (uncertain).

?? PIE *bhang- 'wave': Ind. bhanga- m. 'wave' (Mayr. KEWA 2, 461, classic Sanskrit, = bhangá- 'das Zerbrechen'; no traces in Turner CDIAL), Balt. *bañg-a (2) f. > Lith. banga 'Welle, Woge, Regenguss' WP II 149 f

? PIE *k(')üm- 'wave': Grk. Küpa, -axo; n. 'wave, billow' Beekes 848; Germ. *xum-a-n > ONorse hüm n. 'See, Meer' (poet.) n. De Vries 266 (or to hüm 'Dunkelkeit'), Holthausen 132; ? Lat. cumulus, -i 'Haufe; Menge; Höhepunkt' (cf. Ov. cumulus...immanis aquarum) WH 1, 307. WP I 365, Pok. 592-594 (sub *k'eua- 'to swell') # Nostr *kUmV 'sand, thin snow': PA *kiumo, Ur. kum3 MCCH3 362.

To flow

PIE (GA) *dgwher- 'to flow, to flood': Ind. ksárati 'to flow, stream; to melt away, perish', ksara- 'melting away, perishable'; n. (L) 'water'; PIran. *gzar-lxsar- 'to flow, to pour' ЭСM.З 3, 295-296; Arm. jur, Gen. jroy 'Wasser' (*dgwhöro-); Grk. Att. (*^8eQiw; Lesb.

Ark. Dor. (0-grade) 'richte

zugrunde'; ^8opä 'Verderben, Vernichtung'; 'Vermischung oder Verreibung der Farben', oup^8eipea8aL 'zusammenströmen'; see also Beekes 1569-1570. WP I 700, # Nostr *tUKV 'to flow, pour': PA *tiuke, Kart. *tkor- ?

To flow

PA *iak'i 'to flow; basin': PT *iak- 'to flow'; PTM *iaKu 'swamp'; PJa *ika-i 'pond'.

PA *giaru 'wave, stream': PNM *gori-ka 'small river, rivulet, stream'; PTung *guru-ki 'reach (of river); whirlpool'; PKor *kjar 'wave'.

PA *untu 'whirlpool': PNM *undu- 'to burst, whirl (of water); fountain, well'; PTung *onda- 'to rise (of water); water'; PJa *untu 'whirlpool'.

PA *curka 'swift stream, current': PNM *dargil 'rapid current'; PNTung *jurku 'rapid, swift stream; fairway'; PJa *taki 'swift current, waterfall'

9 For a new interpretation of the traditionally reconstructed set of roots *wed-, *wet-, *und-, see V. Dybo 2002, 413-415, 468.

Indo-European

Altaic

PIE (Eur.) *sol- 'to flow > island': ? Ind. saliläm 'Meer, Meerflut' Mayr. KEWA 3, 448; Balt. *sal-ä f. 'island', *sal- 'to flow' (Lith. sala 'Insel', dial. sälti 'fliessen'; Lett. sala 'Insel, Holm, eine Höhe im Morast'; OPrus. salus 'Regenbach' Maziulis IV 55-56); Lat. insula f. 'Insel'. WP II 452, Pok. 899 (sub *sel- 'springen'). ? Here maybe as a loanword from an IE language (cf. Georgiev VS), Grk. odAo; m. 'unruhige Bewegung des Meeren, Wogenschwall; Ankerplatz, Reede'. WP II 454; Pok. 879-880, with irregular s-; nach Frisk II, 670, Beekes 1303-1304 vorgriechisches Word; Lat. salum (and salus Ennius) 'unruhiger Seegang, hohe See; Meer' WH 2, 471 (with Germ. as Wasserschwall etc.; but this is impossible, because *swa- > sua- in Latin! If the form of Ennius is primary, it may be a loanword from Greek, thus acc. to Beekes); cf. WP II 454. ? *sel- (Germ. *sil-9- > OEngl. seolod 'See'); # Nostr. *calV 'wave': PA *calu 'wave, to overflow' EDAL 391-392; Drav. *cal- 'well, spring' DED 2367.

PIH? PIE (Eur.)? *akw- 'water (flowing)': Hitt. ? akukal(la?)- or akutal(la?)- 'Waschbecken' (Tischler 1112); Germ. *äxw-ö 'river, stream' f. Orel 5; Lat. aqua f. 'Wasser, Wasserleitung'. WP I 34 f, Buck 29, 35, 42. Pok 23, MA 636 (haekweh2-) # Nostr. *?Eku 'water', PA *iäk'a 'liquid, flow' or *uk'u 'wet, wash', Drav. SDr. *äk 'swamp' or *uk- 'spill, pour' МССНЯ 334, 347, ОСНЯ 1, 275-276. [two roots]

River

PIH *Hap- 'water, river': Hitt. hap(a)- 'Fluß', Pal. häpnas, Luw. häpinni- (Tischler 159-160) (MA — to *h2eb(h)- 'river'); InIr. *ap-/*äp- f. 'water, river' ЭСИЯ 1, 311; ? Greek toponyms Ivwtco;, Äawnö;; Balt. *ap-ia f. > OPrus. ape 'Fluss', ap-us 'Brunnen' Maziulis 1, 86-87, 89-90; Lat. amnis, -is m./f. 'Fluss, Strom, (dicht.) Strömung, Wasser'; Tokh. A, B äp 'water, river' (Adams 44). WP I 46, Buck 30, Pok. 51-52, MA 636 Qt2ep- / h2ep-) # Nostr. *VpV 'water', Ur *üptV (Redei 83) 'половодье', Drav NDr *op- 'become wet'. Or ? PIH *hab(h)- 'river': ? Hitt. hap (a)- 'Fluß' etc.; Celt. *ab-on Matasovic 24-25 (< PIE *hiep-h3on, so related to PIH *Hap-), Lat. amnis 'river'. Pok. 1, MA 486, Buck 1.36.

? PIE *dänu- 'river': IIr *dänu- (Ind. danu- n. 'fluid, drop, dew', Av dänu- f. 'Fluss, Strom'; Osset. don 'Wasser, Fluss') ЭСИЯ 3, 450-451; Wels donwy 'a river name' (*dänew-yos), Lat < Celt Dänuvius 'a river name'. Pok. 175, MA 486; WP I 763 (< *dä- 'to flow').

Spring, well

PIH*g"ela- 'to boil over': Hitt. kweluwana- (kuluwana-) 'Waschbecken' (Tischler 604); IIr. *gal-/*jal- 'to drip,

PA (West) *orusi 'river, to flow': PT *ors, *orsen 'river'; PM *urus- 'to flow'. # MCCHfl 341: PIE Heur- / Hwer-, PK ywar-.

River

PA *amu 'big river, big basin': ? PCT *umar 'big river'; PNM *ama-n 'fold, valley'; PTM *amu- 'lake; big river'; PKor *omi 'land sink, pool'; PJa *ùmî 'sea'. # Cf. Dr. *am (Tamil am, am) 'water' (DED 187).

PA (East) *k'éba 'river, bay': PTung *xebe 'bay; lake'; PKor *kai ( < *kabi) 'inlet, estuary'; PJa *kapà 'river'.

PA *iuger'V 'river': PCT *uguf 'small river'; PM *ujer 'flood, inundation'; PTM *uwge(r)- 'wave, stream'; PKor *jèhir 'shallow place'; PJa *ùrà 'bay, coast'. # ? PU *uwa MCCHfl 334.

PA (West) *jiolu 'river bed, stream': PT *jul 'stream, brook, fountain'; PM *jilga 'river bed, ravine'; PTM *jila- 'swift (not freezing) river current, ice-hole'.

Spring, well

PA *biujri 'well, spring': PNM *bürü-dü 'spring'; PTM *bira 'river'; PKor *ù- 'well'; PJa *bi 'well'.

Indo-European

Altaic

ooze, trickle', Sanskrit jalä- n. 'water, any fluid' ЭСM^ 3, 152-154; Grk. ßaAaveiov n. 'Badstube, warmes Bad' Beekes 195 ("Pre-Greek"); Germ. *kwellan- 'to gush, to drop' Orel 227. WP I 690, Pok. 471-472 # Nostr *külä 'pond', PA *k'oli, Ur. *k[ä]lV, Drav. *kUl- MCCHfl 352, OCHfl 1, 305-306.

PIE *bhrew-eHr/*bhru-Hn-os (Gen.) 'spring (of water)': Arm. albiur, albeur, gen. alber 'Quelle' Martirosian 32-33 (*bhrewr); Grk. ^peap, -äxo? 'well, spring' (*^pf|pap-, -axo?, hom. ^pqaxa, ^peiaxa) Beekes 1590 (*bhrehi-ur); Germ. *brunn-ö(n-) f. 'spring, well' Orel 58. WP II 167, Buck 44, Pok. 144, MA 539 # Nostr., PA *biujri 'well, spring'.

? PIE *alm-os 'spring': OInd. arma- 'Brunnen' Mayr. EWA 1, 120, ? Toch. B alme 'spring (of water)', vrddhi Toch B yolme 'Teich' (Adams 55-56). MA 539 (*haelmos, *h„elmos).

PIE *k(')rosn- 'stream, spring': Grk. aeol. Kpdvva, dor., arkad. Kpdva, ion. Kpqvq ds. (> att.) 'source, fountain'; Kpouvo? m. 'spring' Beekes 777; Germ. *xrazno 'tide, wave' Orel 185; Alb. krua 'spring, fountain' Orel AlbD 198 (< *krana < *krasna). WP I 488, Buck 44. MA 539 (*krsneha, *krosno-/eha, only Greek — Germanic) # Nostr. *kara 'flood, spring', PA *k'ara.

PIE (Eur.) *bhog- 'brook, stream': Slav. *bag-n-o 'marsh', *Bagy 'name of a river' OacMep I, 102, Derksen 33 (not taking into account the Winter's law effect); Germ. *bak-iz m. 'stream' Orel 33; Celt. *bogla > MIr büal 'fliessendes Wasser'. WP II 187, Pok. 161 (the long vowel in Slav. is due to the Winter's law).

To move across

PIE *terH-, *tra- 'to move across': [Hitt. tarhu- 'besiegen, bezwingen, überwinden' is not here according Kloekhorst 835-837]; Ind. tärati, tiräti, titarti 'to pass across, cross over'; tära- 'carrying across or beyond', m. 'crossing, passage'; taräni- 'moving forwards, carrying over'; täras- n. 'energy, progress; ferry'; tirthä- n. 'Furt, Tränke' (*tftho-);*türthä- in Prakr. tüha- 'Ufer', Dard. türt 'Furt' (> Wakhi turt Gre6.nMH 368); Iran. Avest. tar- 'hinübererlangen über', prs. titar-, taraya-, ptc. vi-tarata-; tarantä- m. 'Meer'; OPers viyatarayama 'wir überschritten'; ModPers. gu-dar 'ford', Bal. tarag, tharay 'umwenden, umkehren' Mayr. EWA 1, 630-632; [Grk. xpävq?, xpävo? 'klar vernehmlich, deutlich' probably not from here, Beekes 1499]; Lat. intrare 'hineingehen', extrö, -are 'über etwas hinausgehen'. WP I 728, Pok. 1074-1075.

PIE (Eur.) *b(h)red(h)- 'to wade, to jump over': Slav. *bresti 'to wade', *brod"b 'ford'; Balt. *brid- (brend-a-) 'to wade', *brad-s-l-a- 'ford'; Alb. *breda 'to jump, to spring' Orel AlbD 34. Fraenkel 58, Schr-N I 167 #

PA *biuld 'to soak, to gush forth': PCT *bulak 'spring, well'; PNM *bilka- 'to issue from the ground, to overflow'; PTM *bilku- 'to splash, swash'; PKor *puri- 'to soak, make wet'; PJa *pura 'bath'. # PIE *bhleu- (WP 2, 213-214).

To move across

PA *t'iuge 'ford, bridge': PNM *tuguj 'brow, gangway'; PTung *tugde- 'to cross a bridge; sb. bridge, log'; PJa *tu 'ford'.

PA (East) *t'olV 'bridge, crossing': PTung *tul- 'to wade; to cross (a mountain ridge)'; PKor *tari 'bridge'.

PA *ol'a 'ford, shallow': PNM *(h)olam 'ford'; PTM *ola- 'to ford, wade'; PJa *asa- 'shallow'.

PA *k'op'ira 'bridge, crossing': PCT *kopur 'bridge'; PM *koyurge 'bridge'; PTM *xupuru 'rift (in river); bridge'; PJa *kapara 'shallow, sandy place in a river or on its bank'.

PA (East) *bet'a / *p'eda 'sea, ford': PTM *pede- 'to ford, cross over'; PKor *pata, *parar 'sea'; PJa *bata 'sea; to ford'.

Indo-European

Altaic

Nostr. *bVrdV 'ford', PA *bet'a/*p'eda, Kart. *bo(r)d-, Drav. *pad- МССНЯ 332.

? PIE *teldt- 'bridge, ford': ? Ind. tirthä- n. 'ford' (if not from *terH- 'to move across'); Balt. *tilt-a-s 'bridge'. Fraenkel 1094 (differently in Pok.), Schr-N I 167, Иллич-Свитыч 1963, 74.

PIE (Eur.) *bher[e]w-, *brew- 'wooden flooring, decking, bridge': Slav. *brbvb-no 'beam, bridge' Derksen 67; Germ. *brow-ö, *bru-g-jön- 'bridge' Orel 58; Celt. *brewä

> Gaul. briva 'Brücke'. WP II 207, Pok. , Schr-N I 167. # Nostr.: Ur. *pora 'raft, float' UEW 395. МССНЯ 332.

PIE *pont-/*pent-/*pnt- 'way through obstacles, way through water space': Ind. pänthä 'way, path'; päthas- n., päthis- n. 'spot, place; (L.) water'; Avest. panto, instr. pa$a 'Pfad, Weg; Raum, Stelle' Mayr. EWA 2, 82; Arm. *fon-i- > hun (i-St.) 'Furt, Weg' Martirosian 422-426; Grk. tcovto; m. 'Meer, hohe See', ndxo; m. 'Weg, Pfad' Beekes 1221; Slav. *pQtb 'way' Derksen 417, Balt. *pint-[i]-

> OPrus. pintis 'way, road' Maziulis 3, 281-282, Иллич-Свитыч 1963, 149; Germ. *fen&-anan- denom. vb. 'to find' Orel 99; Lat. pons, -tis m. 'Brücke, Steg, Prügelweg durch Sümpfe, Verdeck, Schiffstabulat' WH II 336; ? Celt. *fanssä 'trace' > OIr. es 'Spur' Matasovic 121 (< *pnt-teh2)-, ? Tokh. B -pänte as a putative PIE *pnth2-o- 'one pertaining to the way' Adams 19. WP II 26; Pok. 808-809; Benveniste 1954.

Still water

PIE *ag'her- 'lake': Grk. äxeqwv, -ovto; 'Fl. der Unterwelt', äxeQouaia 'marshy waters' (Hes.) Beekes 182; ? Arm. ezr, Pl. *ezer-a (*n.) 'edge, bank' Martirosian 247249; Slav. *e/ozero, *ezerb 'lake' Derksen 148, Trub. 6, 57, 59 (but the suggested connection with Slav. *ezb 'dam, fishing basket' is doubtful because of different vowel quantity); Balt. *ejer-an 'lake' n. Fraenkel 125, Maziulis 1, 104 (but the suggested connection with Balt. *ej-jä, -ia f. 'border' is not obligatory). Pok. 291-292; MA 343 (*hieg'herom without Greek and Arm.).

? PIH *woHp-: *wöp-/*up 'basin': Hitt. wappu 'river bank' Kloekhorst 958 ("no good etymology"); OInd. väpi 'pond' (Mayr. KEWA III 188: to väp- 'to throw, to sow'); OCSl vapa 'lake, marsh, pond' Фасм. 1, 125; ? Lith. upe, Lett. upe 'river' (the short u is unclair). Pok. 1149, MA 343, 636-637 (uncertain).

PIE *lakw- 'lake, pond': Grk. AdKKo; (*Аакио;) m. 'Wasserloch, Zisterne; Teich, Grube' Beekes 827 (*|kw-); Slav. *loky 'pool, swamp, pond' Derksen 284; Balt. *lek-men-ia f., *lak-men-ä f. 'pool' Fraenkel 352-353 (differently); Germ. *lagu-z 'sea, lake' Orel 231; *läx-ö, *läx-az 'sea, pool, swamp' Orel 232; Lat. lacus, gen. -Us (/ -i) m. 'jede trogartige Vertiefung, See; Brunnentrog; Kufe;

Shallow place

PA *niala 'shallow, shallow place': PCT *jAl- 'shallow; wave'; PNM *naliyur 'pool; overflowed plain'; PTung *niala 'overflowed place; shallow'; PKor *nara 'ford; ferry point'.

PA *siogu 'shallow, shallow place': PCT *sig 'shallow'; PM *siya-r 'sediments'; PTung *sigi-n 'ice-hole'; PJa *su 'shallow place, sandbank'.

PA *sajV 'pebble; shallow place': PT *saj ' shallow place with pebbles; arroyo with pebbles; wadi; river'; PNM *sajir 'river-bed, pebble'; PTung *saj- 'sandy mound'; Kor. *sai-m 'spring, shallow well'; PJa. *sai 'sandbank'.

PA (East) *iju 'sandbank': PTM *(x)irja 'sand or pebble on the riverbank, sandbank; spit'; Kor. *jS 'reef, rock in a sea'; PJa. *ia 'bay'.

Still water

PA *koli 'lake, basin': PT *[k]ol 'lake'; PNM *küjil-sü 'island in a river, shallow place in a river'; PTM *xule-'canal, duct; whirlpool'; PKor *karam 'lake, big river'. # ? PIE *gwel- 'quellen, Quelle' (WP 1, 690); PU *k[ä]iV; Drav *kul a (MCCHfl 352, OCHfl 1, 305-306).

PA *najrV 'lake, river': PM *nayur 'lake'; PTM *niaru 'lake; swamp'; PKor *naih 'river'. # OCCHfl 2, 89.

? PA (West) *3àdé (~ *feda) 'pond, pool': PNM *§ada-yai 'pond, pool'; ? PJa dénié 'backwater'.

Indo-European

Altaic

Grube'; lacüna f. 'Vertiefung, Senkung; Loch, Grube; Lache, Weiher'; Celt. *loku 'lake, pool' Matasovic 243. WP II 380, Pok. 653, MA 343 (without Balt.). # Nostr.: Ur. *lake ' bay, low ground' UEW 234, 683.

PIE (Eur.) *lam- 'hollow filled with water': Slav. *lamb 'pit, flooded meadow' ЭCCfl 14, 26, Derksen 268 (to *lomiti 'to break'); Balt. *lam-a (1?), *lam-a- 'hole, den, pit' Fraenkel 385 (to laminti etc.; doubtful because of different vowel quantity); Lat. lama f. 'Lache, Morast, Sumpf' WH I 753. WP II 385, Pok. 653-654. # Nostr. *laHm[u] 'swamp', PA *lamo 'sea, wave', Ur. *lampe 'pond', Kart. *lam- 'silt, dampness', Drav. *nam 'dampness'. MCCHfl 331, OCHfl 2, 29-30.

PIE *tenHag- 'hole under the water': Grk. xevayo? n. 'shallow place' Beekes 1466; Balt. *ting-a > Lett. tigas pl. 'Tiefe zwischen zwei Untiefen'. WP I 724, Pok. 1067, MA 343 (tenhag-/ tnhag-).

PIE (Eur.) *lindh- 'reservoir': Germ. *lindö 'spring, pool, wave' Falk & Torp 244, De Vries 357; Celt. *linda 'lake' Matasovic 239-240. WP II 438, Pok. 675.

Sea

PIE *moHr-/*mf-/*m3r- 'sea, lake'10: Ind. mira- m. 'the sea, ocean; (L. also) limit, boundary' Mayr. KEWA 2, 644; Iran. Ossetic mal < *mari-, *maryo- 'deep still water, deep place in a bassin; fig. a giant quantity of fluid' A6. II 68-69; Slav. *morje 'sea' Derksen 325; Balt. *mar-i, *mar-ia, *mar-ja f. 'sea; harbour' Maziulis 3, 110; Germ. *mariz, *marin 'sea, lake', *marisk-a-z m. 'marsh' Orel 261, *mör-a-z m., n., *mör-i-z 'marsh, lake, sea' Orel 274; Lat. mare, -is n. 'Meer'; Celt. *mori 'sea' Matasovic 277. WP II 234, Pok. 748, MA 2, 503 (*mori; + Arm. mawr < ? *maru 'marsh', but see Martirosian 447 — not here). # Nostr. *märä 'wet', PA miuri 'water', Kart. *mar-, Drav. *mar- MCCHfl 334, OCHfl 2, 60-61.

? PIE *g'wop- (~ -bh-) 'sea': Arm. cov 'Meer' Martirosian 141; Germ. *kwa[f]-a- > ON kaf, OSwed. kwaf 'Mee-restife' n. De Vries 296 (= kaf 'untertauschen'). WP I 637, Pok. 465-466.

[PIH *g'rei- 'to spread' > 'big water surface': Hitt. karaitt-/karett- c. 'flood, inundation' Kloekhorst 440 (*g'roi-t- / *g'rei-t-); Ind. jräyati 'stürmt an, läuft an', jräyas- n. 'Ungestüm, Lauf, Flußlauf'; Av. zrayah-, OPers. drayah- 'See, Meer', MPers. zray, ModPers. darya 'sea, big river' Mayr. EWA 1, 606. WP I 660, Pok. 401 ("Nur

To overflow, deep water

PA *dala 'deep place': PT *dal- 'to sink' > *dAluj 'ocean'; PTM *dala(n) 'inundation, stream'; PJa *dara 'sea bottom, deep place'.

PA *t'ole 'deep water': PCT *tolku- 'to beat (of waves); wave(s)'; PNM *tulki-n 'rising water'; PNTung *tolgu-'deep place close to the bank; whirlpool; backwater'; PKor *tor 'ditch'; PJa *tara 'backwater, deep water'.

PA *k'ara 'to overflow, flood': PCT *KAr- 'to overflow'; *KArim 'ditch'; PNM *kargi- 'overfall, rift'; PTung *xarba 'shallow place, shoal; shallow; ebb-tide'; PJa *kata 'tide, ebb-tide; beach, bay'.

PA (West) *t'ial'ke 'to splash, overflow': PCT *d(i)aA(i)- ' to overflow'; PNM *calgi- 'to splash, overflow'; PTung *tilka- 'to splatter, overflow'.

PA *ok'e 'deep place, place far from the shore': PT *oku 'hole in ice'; PNTung *(x)uK-t- 'ice-hole; river rift'; PJa *aki 'open sea'.

PA *lamo 'basin, wave': PNM *namug 'marsh, swamp'; PTM *lamu 'sea; wave'; PJa *nami 'wave' # PIE *lam-, PU *Lampe, PD *namV, Georg. lam- (MCCH3 331, OCHfl 2, 29-30).

10 Cf. Гамкрелидзе & Иванов 1984 673; the Hittite form marmara-, mammara- only means 'a type of landscape' (Friedrich 137, Tischler 3, 140-141), so it is not necessarily a reflexation of this root; if so, the more probable proto-meaning is 'sea': European — Indo-Iranian, cf. Sanskrit mira-, mira- 'sea; boundary' (cf. Mayr. II 644), Osset.

*mal < *mari-, despite Гамкрелидзе & Иванов 1984 673 not 'stagnant water', rather 'deep place in a bassin; a giant quantity of fluid', cf. mal of blood etc., see Аб. II 68-69.

Indo-European

Altaic

indoiranisch"). The term for 'big water surface' is, however, not PIH, cf. different affixes in Hitt. and InIr.]

[PIE *sal-s 'salt', *sal-d- 'salty' > 'sea' in separate IE languages: Arm. ai 'Salz' (i-St.), ait 'salt-mine, salt land' Martirosian 24; Grk. &A?, Gen. äAo? m. 'Salz', f. 'Salzflut, Meer' Beekes 74-75; Slav. *solb 'salt', *soldbkb 'tasty, sweet' Balt. *sal-i- 'salt', *sal-d-u- 'sweet' Maziulis 4, 42-43; Germ. *sal-t-a-n 'salt', *sal-t-a-z adj. Orel 316, *sul-t-jö 'saline, sea-water' Orel 385; Lat. sal, gen. salis m. 'salt'; Umbr. acc. salu 'salem'; Celt. *salano- 'salt'; MIr säl, gen. saile 'Meer' Matasovic 319; Tokh. A sale, B salyiye 'salt' Adams 678. WP II 452, Pok. 878-879, MA 498 (but variants with the long vowel should be explained by the lengthening in the nominative form of the root stem; see Maziulis IV 42-43, V. Dybo 2002, 443444) # Nostr. *salV 'salt', Ur. *sals (sala) 'salt' UEW 750, Drav. *(s)alam 'salt marsh, salty' DED 299].

PIE (Eur.) *k(')ap-n- 'sea bay, harbour': Germ. *xab-an n. 'sea; haven' Orel 147 (from *xabjanan 'to hold up'); Celt. Ir. cuan (*kapno-) '(See-)Hafen'. Buck 37, 39, Pok. 527-528 (from PIE *kap- 'to grab'). # Nostr. *kVpV 'rift', PA *k'op'ira 'rift (in a river), bridge', Ur. *kup3 'wave' UEW 676.

Foam

PIE *(s)poyHmn- (or rather *(s)poHymn-, cf. Balt.; see in detail V. Dybo 2002, 389) 'foam': Ind. phena- m. 'foam' Mayr. EWA 2, 204; Ir. *faina-ka 'foam' ЭCMfl III 44; Slav. *pena A 'foam' Derksen 397; Balt. *späin-ia (1) > *spain-ia (Hirt's law) 'foam' Fraenkel 1 858, Maziulis IV 128; Germ. *faim-an n. 'foam' Orel 90; Lat. spüma f. 'Schaum, Gischt' (*spoima) WH II, 580. WP II 681, Pok. 1001.

Salt

[PA *ciober'V 'salt; bitter, acid': PT *dür 'salt'; PM *dabusu 'salt'; PTM *jujar- 'bitter, acid'; PKor *cjar-'salty'; PJa *turä- 'hard, bitter'. # Dr. *suvar 'salt, brack-ishness; salty' (DED 2674)].

Foam

[PA *k'op'i 'to foam': PT *kop- 'to foam, to swell'; PM *koye- 'to foam, swell up'; PTM *xapu- ~ *xopu- 'foam'; PKor *kaphum 'foam'].

[PA *ujba 'foam': PM *ibil- 'to flow (of milk from the udder at the time of sucking)'; PTM *(x)ob- 'to get covered by foam; foam (on water)'; PJa *awa 'foam'].

Based on these juxtapositions for a number of proto-lexical microsystems, the following conclusions can be proposed.

The peculiarities of the landscape-related lexicon in both families are as follows. First of all, the steppe must be excluded from the regions potentially inhabited by Proto-Indo-Europeans.11 Some relatively high mountains with many kinds of rocks and sharp or big stones are present.12 Some of these mountains are covered by forests. There are words for narrow passages, canyons, precipices, mines and caves, foothills, valleys and dells, meadows in

11 When I say — more or less arbitrarily — about the "Proto-Altaics" and "Proto-Indo-Europeans", each of these labels surmises a big human community whose members are territorially and culturally related: hypothetic ethnos-speakers of the Proto-Indo-European language, reconstructed for the initial period of its disintegration into separate groups of languages, and, likewise, hypothetic ethnos-speakers of the Proto-Altaic language, reconstructed for the same period. The contrastive list of Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Altaic thesauri in selected thematic areas is still preliminary; conclusive results will be obtained upon systematic application of semantic reconstruction to all the subgroups of related languages.

12 Cf. the identical conclusion, reached on different grounds by Гамкрелидзе & Иванов 1984.

forests and on the river-banks. The rivers have fords and are definitely smaller than their Proto-Altaic counterparts (there is no semantic variation between "river" and "sea"; nota bene that the only trace of the name of flood is GA; the lower Danube?); cf. here the noticeably weaker function of fish in the Indo-European economy (expressed in a substantially smaller number of terms for fishing tools, fish body parts and fish species — see the example below). But they could have lived near a sea or a big lake with sandy banks13.

In Proto-Altaic, the landscape was represented by names of not very high mountains, low-pitched slopes, foot-hills (also with rocks and gravel). They had a number of verbs meaning "to cross mountains." The canyons, valleys and steppes are present, the steppes being of a rather arid and dusty type. There are many terms for small, quick-flowing rivers with shallows and rifts, but we also know words for big rivers as well. The reflexes of those words reveal semantic variation: in some daughter languages they mean "big river", while in the others the meaning is "sea". We may talk about islands and floods. Floods, from my point of view, may rather indicate big rivers with seasonal floods. We still do not have a reliable reconstruction with the undisputable meaning of "sea". The Tungus-Manchu name for sea can be traced back to a common name for wave, while the common Korean and Japanese forms originally meant "ford". The same development is found, for example, in Ancient Greek, where the corresponding word is historically explained as a development of the original meaning "aquatic way".

Fishing tools

Indo-European

PIE (Eur.) *sait- 'rope, cord, cord for catching, net': Slav. *setb 'snare, net' Derksen 448; Balt. *sait-a- 'rope, cord' Fraenkel 756; Lat. saeta f. 'Borste; Angelschnur'. WP II 463, Pok. 891-892 (*sey- 'tie' (but *a is unclear)). # Nostr. *[s]VtV 'rope, string': PA *sit'V (~ z-, s) 'bands tied to sacrifices' EDAL 1262; Ur. FW *s/sitV 'binden, befestigen' UEW 762; Kart. Georg. sit- 'woollen thread'; Svan strän- 'twist, twist a rope' (in ND 2233). A. Dybo 2005.

?? PIH*hiekt- 'net': Hitt. ekt- 'hunting net', Luv. aggati- 'catch-net' Kloekhorst 235-236 (to OHG jagön 'to hunt', PIE *jek-); Ind. äksu- 'net' Mayr. EWA 1, 42 (to äksi 'eye; net's cell'); Grk. Slktuov, Myc. de-ku-tu- 'fishing net' Beekes 335-336 (Pre-Greek). MA 2, 393 ("d- as in 'tear'").

? PIE (GA) *pork'- 'fish-net, noose': Arm. ors 'hunt, catch' Martirosian 544 (to *york-os 'roe'); Grk. тсорко? m. 'Art Fischernetz' Beekes 1222. WP II 44 # Cf. PA *p'ürVk'V 'rope, lasso'.

PIE (Eur.) *wadh- 'fish net': Slav. *vodv, *nevodb 'dragnet' Фасм. 3, 55-56; Balt. *wad-a-, -u- . 'grosses Zugnetz; Flügel eines Zugnetzes' Fraenkel 1177; Germ.

Altaic

PA *t'obru 'catching net': CT *Tufak 'trap'; PM *towr 'net, cage'; PTung *turku- 'to get caught (in a trap, net)'; PKor *tarachi 'basket'; PJa *turi 'fishing'.

PA*agra 'net': PCT *ag 'net'; PNM *ayo-ga 'leading string in net'; PTung *ajga 'net (for catching fish under ice)'; PJa *ami 'net', OJa ama 'fisherman', cf. *am- 'to knit'.

PA (West) *nable 'net, fish-trap': PT *j'U'im 'fishing net'; PTung *nalba 'fish-trap, crib'.

PA (West) *iuji 'to weave (nets), net': PNM *(h)oye-si 'fishing net'; PTung *inji- 'to weave net'.

PA (West) *tukV 'fishing dam, fishing net': PT *Tug 'dam, fish-trap'; PNM *togsija 'bird net, fish net'; PSTung *tuki- 'to fish by a stake net in a narrow channel'.

PA *gdli 'a k. of tool for water-hunting': PM *gol-mi 'net'; PTung *goli 'net for big fishes'; PJa *kururi 'arrow for shooting sea-birds or for catching fish'.

PA *be 'bait': PCT *be-j 'bait, bird-seed'; PTM *be 'bait'; PJa *bai 'bait'.

PA *il'bi 'fish bait': PNM *(h)ilbeye-sun 'fish bait'; PTM *ilbi 'bait; plummet, sinker'; PJa *i(n)sa-r- 'to fish'.

13 Cf. Гамкрелидзе & Иванов 1984: 673-674; they are definitely right that the IE names for 'sea' could originally be the names for some big and deep lake, but the existence of names for 'salt basins' derived from the IE name for 'salt' in a number of IE languages is not necessarily proof of the fact that Proto-Indo-Europeans must have known salt lakes or seas. Cf. the similar conclusion in MA 498.

Indo-European

Altaic

*wadiz ~ wadön 'fishing line; dragnet' Orel 438 WP I 255, Pok. 1, 78. [PIE (Eur.) *ret- 'sieve, net': Balt. *ret-ia- 'sieve', *ret-uk-a- 'thin net' Fraenkel 724-725; Lat rete, -is n. 'Fisch-, Jagdnetz' WP I 142, Pok. 332-333 (sub era- 'rare')]. PIE *g(')ribh- 'fisching basket': Grk. ypl^o?, yplrco? m. 'fishing basket' Beekes 287 (Pre-Greek); Germ. *krib-jön-, *krubbön 'crib' Orel 222. WP I 593, Pok. 385-390 (sub *ger- 'to wind'). [PIE (Eur.) *nad- 'fish-net, fishing basket': Germ. *nat-jan n. 'net' Orel 281-282; Lat. nassa (*nad-ta or *nad-sa) f. 'Fischreuse, aus Binsen geflochtener Korb mit engem Hals, aus dem die Fische nicht wieder entkommen können' WH 2, 145, MA 336 (with *ned- knot). Rather different derivatives from *nöd- 'knot']. [PIE *ankos 'hook', see Pok. 45-46, WP I 60, MA 2, 272, rather is not specialized for PIE as fishing hook].

On the whole 1 reliable PIE term for fishing net, 1 reliable Eur. term for fishing net, 1 reliable Eur. term for fishing basket, 1 reliable Eur. term for a fishing tool. On the whole 2 reliable PA terms for fishing net, 2 reliable PA terms for bait, one reliable PA term for a fishing tool; 3 reliable Western Altaic terms for fish traps.

We can also see that a substantial part of landscape environment terms can be reconstructed only for the later stages of PIE. The set of terms that is reconstructed for PIH is hardly telling: PIH *dg'hom/*dg'hem 'earth, soil, territory, earth surface'; PIH *wedn-/*udn- 'earth, soil, territory'; PIH *pe(n)s- 'sand, pebble'; PIH *h2ek(')h2-mon,*ka-mon (< *keh2-mon-) 'stone, rock'; PIH *Har- 'valley, vale, dale; grotto; swamp'; PIH *peru-(n-) 'mountain top'; PIH *kolHn-, *kolHm- 'top, hill, rock'; PIH *weHr-/uHr- 'water, moisture'; PIH *we(n)dh- 'water, wave'; PIH *Hap- 'water, river'; PIH *g®ela- 'to boil over'; ? PIH *woHp- 'basin'. Nonetheless, even in this case we see mountainous terrain entering the picture.

Abbreviations

Alb — Albanian Arm. — Armenian Av — Avestan Bal. — Baluchi Balt. — Baltic Bret. — Breton Celt-Ital — Celto-Italic Corn. — Cornish Cymr. — Cymrish Dard. — Dardic Drav — Dravidian ESlav. — East Slavic Eur. — European GA — Greek-Aryan Gael. — Gaelic Georg — Georgian Germ. — Germanian

Grk. — Ancient Greek

Hitt. — Hittite Ind. — Indian Iran. — Iranian Kart — Kartvelian Kor. — Korean Kur. — Kursh Lat — Latin Lett. — Lettish Lith. — Lithuanian Luw. — Luwian

Ark. — Arkadian Att. — Attic Corcyr. — Corcyrean Dor. — Doric Ion. — Ionic Lesb. — Lesbian

MIr — Middle Irish MPers. — Middle Persian Nostr — Nostratic NPers. — New Persian ODalm. — Old Dalmatian OInd. — Old Indian OIr — Old Irish OLith. — Old Lithuanian OPrus — Old Prussian Osset. — Ossetic OSwed — Old Swedian PA — Proto-Altaic Pal. — Palaic

PCT — Proto-Common Turkic PIE — Proto-Indo-European PIH — Proto-Indo-Hittite PIIr — Proto-Indo-Iranian

PIran — Proto-Iranian

PJa. — Proto-Japanese

PM — Proto-Mongolian

PNM — Proto-North Mongolian

PNTung — Proto-North Tungussic

Prakr. — Prakrit

PSTung — Proto-South Tungussic

PT — Proto-Turkic

PTM — Proto-Tungus-Manchu

PTung — Proto-Tungussic

Rum. — Rumanian

Slav. — Slavic

Tokh — Tokharian

Ur.- Uralic

VLat. — Vulgar Latin

# — supposed external relation [...] — The reconstructed stem does not belong to the considered semantic area

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А. В. Дыбо. Язык и археология: некоторые методологические проблемы. 1. Праиндоев-ропейская и праалтайская ландшафтная терминология.

Статья представляет собой первую часть работы, в которой проводится попытка систематизировать наши представления о природном окружении и материальной культуре праиндоевропейцев на основании, во-первых, максимально полной выборки реконструированной лексики соответствующих семантических областей, во-вторых, ее сопоставления с такой же выборкой, сделанной для праязыка сходной временной глубины, носители которого явно обитали на территории, не контактной с индоевропейской прародиной — для праалтайского. Здесь представлена лексика, связанная с ландшафтом. Основной вывод заключается в том, что из двух рассмотренных пралек-сиконов на степное природное окружение указывает скорее праалтайский; праиндоев-ропейский указывает скорее на горную местность. Что касается водных объектов, для праиндоевропейского окружения следует предполагать наличие моря (или очень большого озера), а для праалтайского — наличие очень больших рек с сезонными разливами.

Ключевые слова: индоевропейская прародина, алтайская прародина, метод слов и вещей, семантическая реконструкция.