CC BY-NC-ND
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John D. Bengtson, Vaclav Blazek Santa Fe Institute / Brno, Masaryk University
Ainu and Austric:
Evidence of Genetic Relationship1
There have been several attempts to solve the question of the genetic affiliation of the Ainu language of Hokkaido, formerly spoken also in Sakhalin and the Kuril islands. Apart from some inadequate or unlikely proposals there are two principal serious hypotheses: (1) Altaic, or more inclusively 'Euroasiatic' (Nostratic), as advocated for instance by Ramstedt, Koppelmann, Street, Patrie, Krippes, and Greenberg (with Ruhlen); and (2) Austronesian and Austroasiatic (plus Thai-Kadai and Miao-Yao, together Austric): e.g., Gjerdman, Sternberg, Murayama, and Vovin. Physical anthropology has been ambiguous on this question, in some aspects favoring a Northeast Asian, in others a Southeast Asian origin of the Ainu. The authors of the present article prefer (2), the Austric hypothesis, assuming an internal structure of the Austric macro-phylum consisting of Austro-Thai (Austronesian + Kadai), Miao-Austroasiatic (Hmong-Mien + Austroasiatic), and the peripheral remnants Nihali (in India) and Ainu. This article contains eighty-eight etymologies that the authors believe are strong evidence for the Austric affinity of the Ainu language. The lexical material includes personal pronouns, lower numerals, and other core basic vocabulary. Most importantly, this article is intended to stimulate discussion of the position of Ainu in genetic classification.
Keywords: Historical classification, Linguistic reconstruction, Lexical comparison, Ainu, Austric
The Ainu language is known from Hokkaido, Sakhalin and the Kuril islands (where it is now extinct). According to toponymy, Ainu was also formerly spoken on Honshu (Hudson 1994, 242-44), and apparently on other islands of the Japanese archipelago, probably even as far as the Ryukyu Islands, where, for example, place-names of the type Pira correlate with Ainu pira "rock" (Kagami 1962; Belenkaja 1964). There are surprising biological similarities between Ainu and the Ryukyans, especially visible on new-born children (Levin 1971, 197; Hudson 1994, 247), supported by evidence of molecular genetics (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994, 232).
There have been several attempts to solve the question of the genetic affiliation of the Ainu language. Aside from some attempts at comparison which are rather romantic (with Hebrew [!] by Batchelor), or give quite unsystematic results, e.g. with Indo-European by Naert (1958, 1961), Lindquist (1960) or Van Windekens (1961) — see critical reviews of Benveniste (1960), Dolgopolsky (1963), Tailleur (1961), Refsing [ed.] (1998); or with 'Palaeo-Eurasian', i.e. 'Caucasian', Basque, Yenisseian, Burushaski, plus some Amerindian languages, by Tailleur (1963, 1968), there are two main competing hypotheses:
1 We are indebted to Ilya Peiros and Paul Sidwell for their lists of Proto-Katuic and Proto-Bahnar reconstructions respectively. A special thank belongs to L.V.H. Hayes for his numerous supplements and corrections. This second version was prepared in cooperation with the Centre for the interdisciplinary research of ancient languages and older stages of modern languages at Masaryk University, Brno (MSM 0021622435).
The first version of this article was published in Archiv orientalni 68, 2000, 237-258 under the title 'Lexical parallels between Ainu and Austric, and their implications'.
Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 2 (2009) • Pp. 1-24 • © Bengtson J.D., Blazek V., 2009
(1) Altaic: first mentioned by Ramstedt; further defended e.g. by Street, Language 38 [1962], 92-99; Patrie 1982 (critically reviewed e.g. by Helimski 1984); and more extensively in the 'Euroasiatic' concept including Altaic, Nivkh, Uralic, Indo-European etc.: Koppelmann 1928, 1933; Ruhlen 1987, 131-32 and 1994, 16-20; Krippes, Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher 61 [1989], 149-51; Greenberg 2000-2002;
(2) Austronesian and Austroasiatic (plus Thai-Kadai and Miao-Yao, together Austric): Gjerdman 1926, 1960; Sternberg 1929, 1933; Murayama 1992a, 1992b, 1993; Vovin 1993 (cf. the review of Sidwell 1996).
Our research supports the Austric hypothesis. The internal structure of the Austric macro-phylum postulated by Schmidt (1906) is not yet definitively established (for a historical overview see Ruhlen 1987, 148-60). Recently Peiros (1992, 362) has proposed the following macroclassification of the Austric language phylum: I. Austro-Thai
1) Austronesian
2) Kadai ( = Thai-Kadai)
II. Miao-Austroasiatic
1) Miao -Yao ( = Hmong-Mien)
2) Austroasiatic ( = Munda — Mon-Khmer)
Ainu (and Nihali, in India) may represent peripheral remnants of this Austric macro-phylum (see Bengtson 1996, Blazek 1996). The following scheme depicts their mutual relations:
Ainu
Austric
Austronesian Thai-Kadai
Miao-Yao = Hmong-Mien
Austroasiatic
Nihali
In physical anthropology the Ainu type has generally been included in the Mongoloid subspecies. On the basis of DNA evidence, the genetic taxonomy of Cavalli-Sforza et al. (1988, 6003; 1992, 5621; 1994, 231-32) postulates a 'Northeast Asian' branch, comprising the Ainu, Japanese, and Koreans, along with Tibetans, North Chinese, and others. Similar results were obtained by classical methods of physical anthropology (Alekseev & Trubnikova 1984, 88). On the other hand, some undoubtedly very archaic features, such as the Ainus' profuse body hair, and characteristic Sundadont dentition, point to relations with Southeast Asia (Alekseev & Trubnikova 1984, 94-96; Turner 1989). We might also mention the remarkable closeness of gene frequencies between the Ainu people and the aborigines of Taiwan, for example IGKC, KM (1&1,2), P1(1) or RH, haplotype cDE (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994, 385-86, 425-26). The connection of the ancestors of the Ainu people with Southeast Asia was thoroughly argued by Sternberg (1929).
The earliest known presence of modern man in the Japanese archipelago is estimated at 30.000 years BP (e.g., Utanobori on Hokkaido, or Osinovka on Sakhalin: see Golubev & Lavrov 1988, 206, 220). At 11.000 years BP the first ceramic artifacts appear (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994,
202, have this as early as 12.700 BP; in any case, it is the world's first appearance of ceramics). The style of pottery changed ca. 10.000 BP, which is thought to indicate the advent of the Jo-mon culture (remarkably, on Sakhalin this technology was delayed by 2.000 years, compared with Hokkaido — see Golubev & Lavrov 1988, 225). The contemporary Ainu people are very probably the descendants of the creators of the Jomon culture (cf. Hudson 1994, 244; Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994, 203, 232). About 400 BC a new population came to Kyushu from the Korean peninsula, the bearers of the culture called Yayoi. They brought a developed rice agriculture and an Altaic language (Proto-Japanese). The closest relative of Old Japanese was the language of the old Korean kingdom, Koguryo (cf. Hudson 1994, 246-47).
Comparative word-list
The following word-list consists of comparisons put together by the authors, as well as expanded comparisons by our predecessors (Gjerdman, Vovin) and colleagues (Hayes, Sid-well). The originally larger collection of raw material has been restricted to the most semanti-cally basic. Onomatopoetic words, Lallworter, and other parts of the lexicon not suitable for genetic comparison have been excluded. Austronesian reconstructions differentiated by their authors are borrowed from (Wurm & Wilson 1975).
Pronouns:
1. "I"
PAi *ku (V 106; H 308)
AN *('u-)aku / *'i-aku (Benedict);
TK: T *kuu / *kaw; Laqua khau; Gelao yah;
MY: Biao kdu, Chiengrai yia < *'yakou < *'i-'aku; EMiao *k[o], Se voy < *wa[y]k[on] < * 'u-'aykan (AT 203, AJ 214-15);
MK: VM *kwa "we, I" (Sokolovskaja 1978, 167); Katuic *haya' / *hdgi_: > Katu ku "I", Pacoh ki:, Bru nka (Peyros 1994, #280); ? Nicobar: Central cu-a, cuu-o (Pinnow, OLZ 61 [1966], p. 495 compares it with Nahali j(u)oo "I", Stieng ju "we"); Khasi ya "I" (Hayes 1992, 161; Hayes 1996 adds North Bahnaric Jeh 'aw "I" < *au). Lit.: Gjerman 1926, 64: Ai + AN.
2. "I" / "me"
PAi *an "me" (V 79), en id. (B); in- "1st person objective prefix" (Sato 1985, 157) Munda *ip /*iy "I" (P 186-87);
MK: Khmer anh, Mon ai; SBahnar *'ap id. (Efimov 1990, 146) < PBahnar *'ap ~ *'ap (Sidwell 1998, #196); Asli: Semai I 'iy, Semai II 'en, Mah Meri 'a'ay, Semelai 'an "I" (Benjamin 1976, 109).
3. "we"
PAi *ti "we" (V 144; H 308) > B chi
TK: Mak di (excl.) / da (incl.), Lakkia ta / tau, T *tu (excl.)
AN *(k-)ita (inc.) "we" (AT 204-07);
MK: VN (arrogant) ta "I", chung ta "we" (Gregerson 1991, 91), Muong tanha "we"
(Thompson); ? Nicobar: Car cin "I" (Das; V 172: Ai + MK); ?Nihali t'(y)e:-ku/-ko "we" (dual), cf. na:-ko "you" (dual) (cf. Bengtson 1996, 54 ).
4. "we" / "us"
Ai i "us" (B 161)
MK *i/*hi & *y[ee]' "we" (MKC ##1, 150): Waic *'yi' "we" (excl.) (Diffloth; Sidwell 1998, #260 compares it with NBahnar *pi: id.); SBahnar *he "we; I" (Efimov 1990, 87); Riang ai "we" du. (Shafer 1966, p. 67); Asli: Mintil ye', Semaq Beri ye:h, Semnan 'e', Lanob Yir, Temiar 'e:' "we (incl.) (Benjamin 1976, 121). Hayes (1996) adds Khmu (North MK) 'i' "we", Mendriq (Asli) hi; maybe Khasi ngii id.
5. "we" / "us"
Ai un "us", e.g. in un kore "give it to us", un ahaigekara nisa "he slandered us" (B 476; cf. also Sato 1985, 165)
Munda *bi(n) "we" (incl.) (P 368; Pinnow 1966, 167);
MK *bd(d)n "we" (incl.) (MKC #1172): SBahnar *boi.n "we" (incl.), NBahnar *0ben (Efimov 1990, 108) < PBahnar *bd(:)n "we" (incl.) (Sidwell 1998, #679; he also quotes parallels with deviant semantics: Loven ba:n "other people", Nhaheun bd:n "people" and outside Bahnaric: PKatuic *(k/g)d'ben "thick");
? MY *(m)pua "we" (AT 206).
6. "thou"
PAi *E (V 84; H 308)
MK *'dy[h]/*'aay[] (MKC #1436): SBahnar *ay "thou" (to woman) (Efimov 1990, 42; cf. also Shafer 1966, 68); Sidwell (p.c.) reconstructs PBahnar *'ih "thou". Hayes (1996) adds Thavung (VM) V;
? AN: Tagalog *'iyu < *iXu "thy / thee" (AT 207).
7. "he" / "that" / "this"
Ai nei "that, he, she, it" (B 277)
MK *ni'/h & *no'/h "this" / "that": (MKC ##91, 92): Bahnar 'ney "that" : 'noh "this, here", Kuy ni "this"; Central Nicobarese dne "that"; VM *dni "this" (Thompson 1976, 1190);
MY: Chiengrai Yao nai "that, these" (AT 408);
TK *ni ~ *nay "this";
AN *ini "this / that" (Blust), cf. Pol *nei "here [near speaker]".
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 65: Ai + Pol.
8. "that, he" / "those, they"
PAi *ta "this", tO "that" (V 142, 146; H 309-10)
MK *to' "that; there" (MKC #66a): Katuic: Pacoh do "he, she, it"; VM: VN do "that, those" (Hayes 1996);
AN *itu(h) "this / that" (Dyen; AT 406);
TK: Lakkia tu "they", Laqua to id., Lati: Ban-Phung a-to "this" (AT 406);
MY: Miao to "that" (Reid 1984-85, 27).
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 65: Ai + AN; Hayes 1996: Ai + AT + MK.
Numerals:
9. "one"
PAi *si-ne "1" (V 136) with suf. -ne as in (B) i-ne "4", tak-ne "short", kun-ne "black", cf. isine "conjointly, together", asiu / asui / arasuine "once"; (la Perouse) tchine (Naert 1961, 348), (de Angelis) xine-ppu (Naert 1962, 126); Kamcatka syhnap, Sakhalin snepf, Hokkaido senezb, zinezf "1" (Klaproth 1823, 314)
? Munda *sey "first, before" (P 102); cf. Nihali cayni, ceyni "first" (Bengtson 1996, 51-52);
MK: Khasi si "1"; Palaung se "one" in compounds (Gjerdman 1926, 79); Asli: Besisi Malacca ciay "first, in front", Semang Paya ka-sey "first, formerly" (SB, B 145);
AN: *'itsia / *atsa "1" (Tsuchida);
TK: Kadai *tsia < *[']itsa > Li *tsi; Laqua tia, Pupeo cya, Gelao si, Thu tsi "1" (AJ 225).
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 63, 65: Ai + AN, 79: Ai + MK + AN.
10. "two"
PAi *tuu "2" (V 147-48), cf. (B) tup "two things", ?ru "half, partly"; (de Angelis) tzu-ppu (Naert 1962, 126), tou [tu] (la Perouse, see Naert 1961, 348); Kamcatka dupk, Sakhalin tup, Hokkaido zuzb, zuzf "2" (Klaproth 1823, 314)
AN *duva (Dempwolff) = *DawS3a (Dyen & McFarland), cf. Tsouic *[dr]usa etc. "2";
TK: Li *draw (AT 213) = *lau (Theraphan 1992, p. 86); Laqua be; NKelao so, SKelao bi; Lati su /fu "2"; ? T *dra:w "20" (AT 213).
MK *[]n[d]ah / *[]n[d]aah / *[]n[d]a' "one of two sides" (MKC #2015): Stieng dah "one of a pair", Sre, Biat dah, Jeh nah "side; one of two sides"; Muong, VN nu a "half"; Bahnar ma'nah "part, some ... others ..."; Kuy na: "side; direction".
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 63: Ai + AN.
11. "two" / "pair" / "twin"
Ai ara "one of the pair, side", arake / arage "half", oara "one of a pair, one of two", var. oa(t), a(t); uren "both"
MK: Khasi a:r; Lemet ar, Riang kS\'ar, Waic *l'ar, Palaung a(r), Nicobar: Car heng-hor (heng = "1"), Shon-Pen au, Teresa o, aeh, Nancowry a:, Chowra an etc. It is not clear, how these forms are connected with other Austric forms with initial b or w (in Ainu one could perhaps to reconstruct *oar- < *uar-, cf. Ai un "us" — see # 5):
MK *bi'aar "2" (MKC #1562): Khmer bir, Mon 'ba, Samre paar, PBahnar *'ba:r (Sidwell 1998, # 93), PKatuic *'ba:r (Peyros), SKhmu, Lawen baar "2"; VN bay "pair" (against VM *hal "2" — see P 75; Efimov 1990, 104); Asli: Besisi (Sepang Ayer Itam) hmbaar, mar, Serau maar & naar etc. "2" (SB, T 271-2), Che' Wong ber (Benjamin 1976, 120);
Munda *[u]bar "2" (P 75);
MY *(a)war / *(a)war "2";
AN *ke(m)bar "twins" (Lopez);
TK: Kadai: Mak wa, Ong-Be van "twin" (AT 415).
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 76-78: Ai + AU + AN.
12."three"
PAi *dE "3" (V 83), cf. Kuril (Ryuzo) re-nich "three persons", ri-bich "three things", (de Angelis) le-ppu (Naert 1962, 126), tche (la Perouse; Naert 1961, 348), Kamcatka faph, Sakhalin repf, Hokkaido rezb (Klaproth 1823, 314)
?Nihali tala:ri(re) "3rd", perhaps with the same (ordinal?) prefix as talpono "4th", besides the cardinal ira:(r) of Dravidian origin (Mundlay 1996, 45);
?Munda *tiwru / *tidru "6" (P 97);
?MK *tipraw "6" (MKC #1851): NBahnar *tadraw, SBahnar *praw (< PBahnar *ta[d/p]raw after Sidwell 1996; later he has reconstructed *tanraw — see 1998, #253), Kua kadrou, Mon tarao, Palaung to:r; VM *p/traw etc., all "6" (Efimov 1990, 103); ?Asli: Pangan (Ulu Patani) diu "3" (SB, T 98: doubtful);
TK: Li *tru; Laqua tau, NKelao ta, Lati ti / si(e) "3";
AN *talu (Dempwolff) = *ti dluHi (Tsuchida), cf. Atayalic, Tsouic *talu "3" (AT 211).
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 79: Ai + AU + AN.
13. "four" / "quarter"
PAi *pOqOn > Saru po'on emko, Asahigawa pon emko "quarter" (*EmkO "half, part" — see V 85), lit. "four parts" (V 127; H 267)
AA *pu[ ]an "four":
Munda *[u]pon "four" (P 180); Nihali uses the Dravidian borrowing na:lo, na:lku "4", but the native form can be preserved in the ordinal talpono, perhaps with the same prefi as tala:ri(re) "3rd" (Mundlay 1996, p. 45);
MK *pun / *puan[] / *pan[] "4" (MKC #1166): Khmer *puan, Mon pon, SBahnar *puain, NBahnar *pu:n < PBahnar *puan (Sidwell 1998, #648), Waic *pon, Katuic *puon (Pey-ros), VM *pon; Nicobar: Central fo:an, Car feen, South fo:at, Shon Pe fuat etc. (Efimov 1990, 102); Asli: Serting hdmpudn, Sakai (Tembeling) am-pun etc. (SB, F 250).
Lit.: V 168: Ai + Munda + MK.
Lexical entries:
14. "ashes" / "fire"
PAi *uu[y]na "ashes", *unti "fire" (V 153, 151)
MK *'u(u)p. "fire" (MKC #885): Alak, Stieng uin, Phnong un, Boloven hün "fire" (Shafer 1966, 61), cf. SBahnar = PBahnar *'up. (Efimov 1990, 135 & Sidwell 1998, #610), PKatuic *'u:jh (Peyros 1994, #1220), Khmer 'uh "firewood";
TK: T *viin "firewood" (Li 1977, 80);
Lit.: V 173: Ai + MK; Bengtson 1996, 54: Ai + MK + T (+ Nihali u "to kindle").
15. "bear"
Ai Hokkaido kuma > or < Jp kuma (Klaproth 1823, 304), cf. Kor kom id.
MK *[k]mum "bear" (MKC #1380): PMon *kmum; but Khmer khlaa ghmum "sun bear" means lit. "tiger of bees" (Diffloth 1984, 65; cf. Shorto 1971, 58);
TK: S-CT *hmii < *hmwii < *[ku]muy; Sui 'mi, Maonan moi, Kam me < *'miay; Lakkia ku:[i] < *kmuuy (AJ 164-65) or *k-Nui (Theraphan 1992, 82);
AN: SForm *Cumai; Atayal: Sediq: Iboko kumai, Hogo summai (AJ 164-65: Form *krumai, compared with MY *krop id.).
16. "below" / "sole"
Ai pan(a) "below, lower" (B)
AN *D3apaN "sole, footprint" > Paiwan japal "thigh", Siraya sapal "foot", Puyuma dapal "sole" vs. Ilokano etc. dapan id. (Dyen 1990, 226);
?MK: Katuic: Kuy (t)pe:l "buttocks" (MKC #1769: *dM "cheek")
?Munda: Kharia capal "buttocks, anus" (Hayes 1996).
17. "bone"
PAi *ponE (V 127) = Kamcatka pôônh, Sakhalin poné (Klaproth 1823, 308), (la Perouse) pauni "arête on colonne épiniére des poissons" (Naert 1961, 346) > or < Jp Fone "bone"
AN *bani > Atayal C'uli' bani id. (AJ 170) and / or Pol *pona "joint" (Bruce, Walsh & Waqa).
18. "bow"
Ai ak "to shoot with an arrow", akbe "trap", orig. "spring bow" (B)
Munda *ak "bow" (P 70);
MK *'aik "bow" (MKC #266): Alak ak "cross-bow", Danaw ak "bow", SBahnar *'a:; Waic * 'ak "bow" (Diffloth; cf. Efimov 1990, 134); Asli: Soman ak, Semang (Plus) e:g, (Kuala Kenering) a:g "bow", (Ijoh) ig "bow" (SB, B 353).
Hayes (1996) analyzes AN *panaq "to shoot arrow" (Lopez) as a causative derivation from a hypothetical *aq; cf. also T *piin "arrow" (AT 221).
19. "breast"
PAi *tOO "breast of woman" (V 146), cf. Kamcatka do (Klaproth 1823, 304) and / or PAi *tuy "belly, intestines" (V 150)
Munda: Santali toa "(female) breast";
MK *tioh "breast" (MKC #1999): Khmer toh, Mon tah, Bahnar tâh, Stieng toh; SNicobar toah (Schmidt 1906, 84, 99); Asli: Mah Meri, Semaq Beri, Semelai, Temoq tuh "breast" (SB, B 387; Benjamin 1976, 103);
TK: T *tu "breast"; Lakkia nam-tu "stomach", Ong-Be dau don "the pit (don) of the stomach" (AT 231);
AN *t'ut'uc "breast" (Dempwolff).
20. "child"
Ai teinep / tennep "a very young child" (B)
MY *ton "son" (AT 251);
Munda: Parengi tonan "younger sister", Bonda tuna id. etc. (Bhattacharya, Anthropos 65 [1970], 456; Hayes 1996).
21. "coldness" / "snow"
Ai oroa "coldness" (Dobrotvorskij — see Rahder, Orbis 12 [1963], 66) = (la Perouse) oroa "le froid" (Naert 1961, 342)
Munda: Gutob, Remo ruon "cold", Sora rar/a:-n id. (Hayes 1996);
?MK *[r]rar, *rra[ar] "cold" (MKC #1598a);
AN: Tsouic *uruNa / *uruNa "snow" (Li).
22. "come" / "go"
PAi *arki "to come" (pl.) (V 80), cf. (B) arapa /arupa "to go"
AN *ari "come; let's go!", cf. Karo Batak ari ko "come here!" (Blust, Oceanic Linguistics 19 [1980], 41, #17).
23. "day"
Ai ko, cf. tut ko "2 days", rere ko "3 days", but sine to "1 day" (B)
AN *ka "day" (AJ 179; Benedict compared it with Jp -ka in itu-ka "5 days"), yo oka < *ya uka "8 days";
?MK: Waic *N-ko' "yesterday" (Diffloth).
24. "die"
PAi *day > Yakumo, Saru etc. ray, Nairo tay id., Kuril (Krasennikov) rai "to kill" (V 83)
TK: T *traai vs. Sek praay / trail / t'trai; Kam-Sui *tay; Lakkia *plei; Be dai id. (Li 1977, p. 119; AT 269; Therasphan 1992, 83);
AN *maCey & *paCey (Dyen, Lingua 14 [1965], 291) with stative *ma- vs. causative *pa- prefixes;
MY *day "to die" vs. *tay "to kill" (AT 269; AJ 180-1).
Lit.: V 173: Ai + MY + AN.
25. "dog"
Ai seta, sita = Kamcatka stähpü = seta + po "child", Sakhalin seda (Klaproth 1823, 307); V 88 reconstructs PAi *gita on the basis of "Moshiogusa" hida, heta id.
Munda: Ho, Mundari, Santali seta, Birhor setta, Mowasi sita, Kurku sita (Bhattachariya 1966, 34, #47 compares it with Asli: Semang Kedah at, Plus Cod / Cot id. — see SB, D 139);
AN: Form: Favorlang zito "puppy".
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 71: Ai + Munda + Favorlang.
26. "ear"
PAi *kisAr (V 104), cf. Kamcatka gsahr, Sakhalin kisara (Klaproth 1823, p. 310), (la Perouse) qs-chara (sic; see Naert 1961, 328)
?MK *kt2uur/*kt2uar "ear" (MKC #1624): Khasi (standard) kasko:r; Riang (Palaung-Khmu group) cor id. (Hayes 1996) or to # 29?
Munda *luktur "ear" (P 97) or to #29?;
TK: T *xruu (Li 1977, 233, 268); Kam-Sui *qhya (Benedict) = *khra (Theraphan), Ong-Be sa; Li *thyay; Lakkja *ja:; Laqua ra etc. (AT 277: + AN *talir/a). All the TK forms can be derived from *ksra or sim.
27. "earth"
PAi *tOy "garden, soil, land, clay, earth" (V 147), cf. Sakhalin toi, tui (Klaproth 1823, p. 305)
AA *täih "earth, soil" (V 172) or *t[e](q) (Hayes 1996)
MK *tii / *tiih / *tiiah "earth, ground" (MKC #64): PMon *tii' (Diffloth) "soil, earth, ground", OKhmer ti, Waic *kte' (Diffloth) "earth"; Bahnar teh, Sre tiah, Bo Luang te:i; Nicobar: Central mattai, Coastal pattai "earth" (Shafer 1966, 8-10); Khasi ktioh "Schlamm"; Asli: Semang Perak teh, Pangan Ulu Patani tei, Sakai Krau taik etc. "earth" (SB, E 12);
Munda: Kurku ote, wate, Mundari ote etc. "earth, ground" (P 187-8; Luce, Lingua 14 [1965], 125).
Lit.: V 172: Ai + AA.
28. "earth"
Ai (la Perouse) tanina "... autre nom quils donnent cette terre" (Naert 1961, 333: *ta(a)ni na "here")
MK: SBahnar *tne:h "earth", NBahnar *taneh "earth, dirt" (Sidwell 1998, #718 reconstructs PBahnar *tdneh ~ *tah with possible -an-infix; in this case it would belong to the preceding entry); ?Mon tanah "surface" (Efimov 1990, p. 75; or borrowed from Cham tanuh < PChamic * tanah ?);
MY *ntaa(n) "earth";
AN *tanah "land" (Dempwolff) = taneq (Dyen & McFarland);
TK: T *'din "earth"; Mak da:i, Lakkia nai (AT 277-8; AJ 183).
29. "earwax"
PAi *tur "filth, dirt" (V 149), cf. (B) kisara-turu "earwax"
AN *tuli' ear-ache, deaf" (Dempwolff) = *tuli[h] "earwax, deaf" (Dyen & McFarland);
MK: PBahnar *to:r "ear" (Efimov 1990, p. 70; Sidwell 1998, # 508); Kuoi khtor; Mon k(A)tow (w < *r) or to # 27?;
Munda *luktur "ear" (P 97).
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 58-59: Ai + AN.
30. "egg" / "bird"
PAi *nOk "egg; testicles" (V 115) = Kamcatka nohk = Sakhalin nuku (Klaproth 1823, 305) = Kuril noki "egg", n'ok "bird's egg" (Naert 1962a, p. 218: Ai > Nivx yoik "egg" or Nivkh > Ai after V 161-62)
Asli: Semang (Juru) maku, (Ulu Selama) makau etc. "egg" (SB, E 34);
AN *manuk "fowl, bird" (Dempwolff);
TK: Thai *nok, but Divi rok; Sui Mak nok, Kam mok; Lakkia mlok; Ong-Be nok, noak, Laqua nuk "bird";
MY: Yao *no', but Pateng hmu (AT 234); Miao *nor/ > Hmong nong id. (Haudricourt).
31. "evening"
Ai onuman (B) = Kamcatka dhnuma, Sakhalin unumani (Klaproth 1823, 304); V 118 reconstructs *nuuman "yesterday" vs. *onuuman "evening"
TK: Kam-Sui *'nam id. (Li, Lingua 14 [1965], 170-71; AT 265: < *'ram, cf. T *yam "evening, night" - see Li 1977, 214, 216);
?MY *hm[a:]r "night" (Peiros);
?MK *ma(a)r "night, evening" (MKC #638): PBahnar *mar id. (Efimov 1990, 116 & Sidwell 1998, # 212).
32. "eye"
PAi *sik (V 137), cf. Kamcatka sik, Sakhalin sigi (Klaproth 1823, 304), (la Perouse) chy [sih]
Nihali jiki: (Shafer 1940, 355), cf. jiki-kapri "eye-brow" vs. Ainu sik-kap "eyelid";
?Munda: Santali jhiki miki "splendid, glitter" (Pinnow, OLZ 61 [1966], 493);
MK *[c][rna]' "to see" (MKC #45): ?SBahnar *shA: "to see" (Efimov 1990, 126).
33. "eye" / "eyebrow"
Ai kerup "eyes" (B)
AN *piLek "eyebrow", cf. Mantauran Rukai keLepe, Maga Rukai s-kirp (Dyen 1990, 227). On the other hand Gjerdman 1926, 44 compares Ai kerup with Pol: Puamotu karu "pupil of the eyes", Maori karu "eyes".
34. "eye" / "eyebrow"
PAi *rAr "eyebrow" (V 130), cf. (B) rara-numa, ran-numa "eyebrow" where numa "hair" indicates the meaning "eye" for the first component; the form tara recorded by la Perouse (see Naert 1961, 326) allows the reconstruction of PAi *d- (cf. V 16)
TK: T *traa "eye" (Li 1977, 119), Kam-Sui *thla, but Sek praa, Liuchou pia, Sui Mak da, Then 'da, Lakkia *pla, Ong-Be da, Li *ja, Laqua te, Lati mcu id. (AT 283-84; Theraphan 1992, 81);
AN *maCa "eye" (Dyen, Lingua 14 [1965], 291-292);
MY: Miao *maay, Yao *muai / *mu[t]- id. (AT 283-84);
Munda: Kurku met, Ho med, Kharia mod etc. id. (P 126);
MK *mat "eye" (MKC #1045): Mon mat id.; PBahnar *mat "eye, face" (Sidwell 1998, #243); PKatuic *mat (Peyros); VM *mat; Khmer *mat "mouth"; Khasi khymat; Nicobar: Car elmat etc. (P 126; Schmidt 1906, 86, 110, 144; Efimov 1990, 105-06; AT 283; AJ 186: + OJp me "eye"); Asli: Semang (Kenering) met, (Perak) mat, Tembi maat etc. id. (SB, E 83).
The correspondence of Ainu r-/t- vs. T *tr- / *pr- // AN *maC- also occurs in #24 "die".
35. "finger" / "hand"
PAi *askE "hand", *askE-pEt "finger", *aski / *asik "five" (V 81, 125), cf. (de Angelis) axichi-neppu "5" = (von Strahlenberg) axiquineppu "5" (Naert 1962, 126)
AN: Form: Puyuma ski® "claw, fingernail" (Ting 1978, 358);
MK *sh['] "hand, arm" (MKC #244): ?VM *saj (Sokolovskaja 1978, 171) = *si: (Ferlus) > Muong thay, VN tay "hand, arm", cf. also Thavung sii "hand, arm" (Hayes 1996);
?Munda: Sora s'i:-n "hand" (Hayes 1996), Pareng si: id.(see MKC #244).
36. "fingernail"
PAi *(H)am (V 78, 94) "finger or toe nails, claws", cf. Kamcatka ahm, Sakhalin ami "fingernail" (Klaproth 1823, 310)
MK: Waic *mhem / *hmem "fingernail" (Diffloth);
AN: Form: Common Puyuma hamay "fingernail" (Ting 1978, 358).
37. "fire"
PAi *apE < *apOy id. (V 79), cf. Kamcatka apeh, Hokkaido abe, ambe (Klaproth 1823, 305), Kuril aboi "hearth" (Gjerdman 1926, 41-42)
Nihali apo "fire" (Shafer 1940, 355);
AN *xiapuy (Dyen, Lingua 14 [1965], 301);
TK: S-CT *way < *bway < *(a)puy, NT *vii < *bwi; Kam-Sui *pwai id. (Li 1977, 79, 286; Thur-good 1988, 212; AT 290; AJ 192-93: plus OJp Fi < *Fui);
MY: Ke-cheng fwi "ash", Kao-p'o fi, Kao-t'ung ha Yao-lu fui, Thailand Yao whi (Chang, BIHP 44 [1972], 600);
MK: Khasi dpey "hearth, ashes"; Pear puy "tinder" (Hayes 1996).
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 41-42 & V 163: Ai + AN.
38. "flesh"
PAi *kam "flesh, meat" (V 99), cf. Kamcatka kam (Klaproth 1823, 306)
AN *qaiam "animal; meat" (Dyen);
TK: Li *xaam id. > White Sand Loi kham, Shaved Head gom etc. (AT 293);
?MK *[h]yam "game, meat" (MKC #1382a: MK+AN+TK);
?Nihali kav "flesh" (the difference v / m cf. Romani nav vs. Old Indic nama "name"?).
39. "fly / mosquito"
PAi *mOs "a fly" (V 111)
MK *mu(u)ys / *mua[y]s "mosquito, gnat" (MKC #1496).
40. "go" / "come"
PAi *pay-i (pl.) "to go" (V 124)
TK: T *pai, Kam-Sui *pa:i, Lakkja *pai, Be doi "to go" (Theraphan 1992, 83);
Munda: Gutob pe, pi, pij "to come", ? Parei of Viza-Gapatam vA:ji id.; cf. Nihali pi:ja: (P 151);
?MK: Bolowen brnh, Alak brh "to come" (SB, C 221); Kui pa "to go, come" (Prasert); ?Asli: Semang Plus peh, Sakai Tanjong bai, bej "to come" (SB, C 221).
41. "hair"
PAi *numa "hair", cf. (de Angelis) xapa-numa "capelli della testa" (Naert 1962, 128)
TK: Li *nom "head hair"; ?Laqua dam id. (AT 307);
MK: PBahnar *'ap.u:m "hair bun" (Sidwell 1998, #565); Katuic *p.um / *p.a-p.um[a/o]m "to tie hair" (Peyros 1994, #579) and / or Khmer lom "hair of body / of animal" (Hayes 1996);
42. "hair" / "head"
Ai sapa "head" (V 134, 123 reconstructs two synonyms *sa & *pa "head"); cf. yet Sakhalin saba (Klaproth 1823, 308), (la Perouse) chapa "les cheveux" (Naert 1961, p. 328)
MK: Bahnar sok sop "body hair", Chrau chop mat "eyelash" (Hayes 1996; Sidwell 1996 ms. prefers to compare the Bahnar word with Ai *EtOp "hair" reconstructed in V 86, which is perhaps better comparable with SBahnar *ti(i)p / *tiap "facial hair" in reconstruction of Sidwell in MKC #A104);
?AN *d'[aa](m)but (Dempwolff) = *z[ae](m)but (Lopez) "hair", cf. AT 307.
43. "hand" / "arm"
PAi *te(-)k (V 143), cf. Kamcatka dek, Sakhalin tegi (Klaproth 1823, 307), (la Perouse) tay "l'avant-bras" (Naert 1961, 329)
Munda *ti' (P 84);
MK *tiii' "hand, arm" (MKC #66; Shorto 1976, 1062) > Waic *te' (Diffloth); PBahnar *ti: (Efimov 1990, 140; Sidwell 1998, #264); Palaung tii, tai, tae; Khmer Tai; PMon *toa; Nicobar: Car el-ti:, Nancowry taj; Asli: Tembi tikn, tij, Sakai Tanjong tiik, Besisi tiih etc. "hand" (SB, H 15);
? AN: Form: Favorlang tea "arm".
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 72-3: Ai + AU + Favorlang; V 171: Ai + MK. Matsumoto 1928, #1 compared the AA data with Jp la, te.
44. "hand" / "five"
PAi *mon "hand" (V 110-1), also "labor, work" (Pilsudski 1912 - Majewicz 1986, p. 305)
Munda *monloi "5" > Kurku mono(i), Parei monloi, Muwasi maneiku etc. (P 177);
MK *[]ma' "right-hand" (MKC #135): NBahnar *maa, SBahnar *maa "right (hand)" (Efimov 1990, 116) < PBahnar *'ma: related with Car Nicobar lahama "right"; S-WThai *xwa "right side" (Sidwell 1998, #21);
TK: S-CThai *mii "hand" < *mya < *(-i)ma; Kam-Sui *myaa id., SKelao mle "hand" : mlen "5" (cf. Munda) < *mla(n) < *lma(n); Laqua ma "5"; Gelao mau "hand" : bu "5", Gao mpau : mpu id.;
AN *lima "five" / "hand", cf. Form: Rukai *\ima "5" : *alima "hand" (AT 309; AJ 206; Schmidt 1906, 143: AN+MK).
45. "head"
Ai (B) pa / pake (V 123: *pa), cf. Kamcatka gpa (Klaproth 1823, 308)
MK *[b]uuk "head" (MKC #361): PBahnar *bo:k id.; Katuic *mbo "cheek; brain" (Efimov 1990, 104; Sidwell 1998, #480 also adds PCham *'bo "face" which can be a MK loanword);
Munda *bokop / *bokok / *bop / *bok < *bok(bok) "head" (P 112);
AN *bu'uk (Dempwolff) = *Buhek (Prentice 1974).
46. "heart" / "chest" / "body"
Ai ok "heart; feelings"
MK: Pear yok "breast"; Katuic: Pacoh oq "stomach" (Hayes 1996);
AN *awak "body" (Stresemann; cf. AT 249);
?TK: T *ak / *ik "chest", var. *ok / *uk "chest, breast, heart" (Peyros 1998, 86 sees here a borrowing from Middle Chinese 'dk "chest").
47. "husband / man"
PAi *hOku "husband" (V 93)
AN *'uyar (Dempwolff) = *huRaN (Lopez) "man" (Wurm & Wilson 1975, 126).
48. "ice" / "freeze"
Ai kon-ru "ice" : ru(p/h) "ice" (H 231; V 83 reconstructs *du-p)
Asli: Semang Juru gun "cold" (SB, C 203);
TK: T *xon / *[y]on (Siam) / *xun (Lao) "to coagulate / freeze" (AT 254).
49. "knee" / "foot"
PAi *kOkka "knee" (V 105), cf. Kamcatka kohkah, Sakhalin koka saba (saba "head") (Klaproth 1823, 308)
MK: Palaungic: Danaw ko' "foot, leg"; VM: Ruc tdkdk "foot of a tree" (Hayes 1996); or MK *k'o(o)r "knee" (MKC #486), if the Ainu word is a compound;
TK: T *kok "foot (of tree, hill)"; Lati ton kho, Li khok, Ong-Be kok "knee" (AT 296);
AN: Form: Rukai *kukuq / *ququq "foot, base, origin" etc. (AT 296). Blust, Oceanic Linguistics 19 [1980], 96, # 233 reconstructs Rukai *koko "leg" in relation with AN *kukud "shank or hoof of animals".
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 53 compared the Ai "knee" with Tagalog koko "elbow" and Stieng kuktang "knee".
50. "lake" / "deep water"
PAi *tOO "lake, puddle of water" (V 146), cf. topo "pool, puddle" (B)
MY *(n)to "deep";
AN: Form: Favorlang to (Gjerdman 1926, 57: Ai + Jav of Krama toja) and / or Hesp *tubi "water depth", cf. Tagalog tubig "water" (AJ 179);
?MK *nttuu' "(water) hole, well" (MKC #85).
51. "lungs"
Ai Kamcatka bagak (Klaproth 1823, 309)
AN *baRaq id. (Blust 1973);
?Munda: Sora bdro id. (Hayes 1996).
52. "man"
PAi *kur "man, person" (V 107), cf. Kamcatka kur "Mensch" = Sakhalin guru (Klaproth 1823, 309), Kuril kor-gur (redupl.?) "husband" (Rahder, Orbis 10 [1961], 204-05 compares the Ainu forms with OJp koro, kori, Ryukyu koro "man" and with the AA forms quoted below)
Munda: Mowasi koro, pl. korku, Mundari hoRo etc. "man" (P 153-4; Bhattacharya, Anthro-pos 65 [1970], 449);
?MK: ?Khmer kur "Bahnar of Srê"; Asli: Besisi Sep. kur "numerative for men", mui kur mah "a single man" (SB, M 23).
53. "man"
PAi *aynu "man" (V 82)
AN *waNay (Blust) = *yanay (Stresemann) "man" (Wurm & Wilson 1975, 126).
54. "mountain"
Ai kuru "hill, mountain" (Tailleur, Sprakliga Bidrag 4/16 [1961], 144) and / or PAi *gur id. (V 90) > (B) huru & furu, Kuril (Voznesenskii) gur, Saru, Yakumo hur(-u) (but cf. # 55)
AN: Oc *kor(a,o) (Grace 1969) = *gor(a,o) (Milke 1968);
MK: Alak gor, Kaseng gor "mountain" (Matsumoto 1928, 58: MK + Jp ikuri "récif, roche marine", (dial.) kura "roche, amas des pierre").
55. "mountain" / "hill" / "forest"
PAi *nupuri "mountain" (V 118: < OJp nobor-i "to climb" ?), cf. (Sakhalin) (no)buri (Klaproth 1823, 304)
AN: ?Form: Favorlang furun and / or AN *bulud "mountain" (Dempwolff 1925, see Gjerdman 1926, 43: Ai furu / huru + AN + AU);
Munda *biru "hill" (P 141, 278);
MK *bruu (MKC #182): Bolowen bru, Sue bru, Kuoi barou "mountain", Waic *bre "forest, outside, sky, weather" (Diffloth), PBahnar *bdri: "forest, wild"; Khmer *bray "forest"; Pear phri: "jungle"; PKatuic *'bdru: "mountain" etc. (Efimov 1990, 105; Sidwell 1998, #261).
56. "mountain peak" / "summit"
Ai tokon "small mountain peak", tokse "little hill, a rise in a plain" (B) > Jp tuka "hillock, tumulus, mound"
AN *tuktuk "summit" (AJ 222).
57. "mountains" / "tree"
Ai kaja "pays montagneux, montagnes" (Tailleur 1968, 274)
AN *kaju' (Dempwolff) = *kâSiiu'e (Dyen & McFarland) "tree", cf. OJp kë < *kai (AJ 256);
MK: Palaung-Wa: Umpai, Bo Luang, Mape khe "wood" : kho "tree" (Shafer 1966, 38); VM *kuy "firewood" (Thompson 1976, 1173). Shorto & Sidwell reconstruct MK *jhoo/ *jhdd/*jhee "tree, wood" (MKC #254).
58. "mouth" / "jaws" / "lips"
PAi *not (V 116), cf. not "mouthful", not(u) "jaws", notakam "cheeks", nota "face", notkiri "chin", notkeu "jaws", noci "mouth, jaws" (B) and (la Perouse) notame kann "les joues" (Naert 1961, 327)
AN *yu[t']u lips" (Dempwolff) = *yu(ts)u (Biggs 1965), cf. Form *yudzui "mouth";
MY *ndzuj "mouth" (AT 340);
MK *tinioh "mouth" (MKC #2020) and / or Asli: Pangan Ulu Aring tënôyt, Orang Hutan (Johor) snut, (Indau) nut, Sakai Ulu Tembeling kë-nut etc. "mouth" (SB, M 203). Shorto & Sidwell reconstruct MK *Ш "mouth" (MKC #1001).
59. "mouth" / "lips"
PAi *prAA "mouth" (V 128), cf. (B) para, paro & caro (Vovin 1989, 19: p- / c- < *pr-), cf. Sakhalin paru : Kamcatka car, zar (Klaproth 1823, 310)
AN: Form: Atayal *padahum "lips", cf. Squliq prahum (Li 1981, 287).
60. "name"
PAi *dEE "name" (V 83), cf. Bihoro re, Raichiska ree, Kuril (Voznesenskij) rie, Nairo tee etc.
AN *[']ag'an (Dempwolff) = *(y)aran (Capell) = *qaZan (Pawley) "name" (see Wurm & Wilson 1975, 135);
TK: Kam-Sui *'daan "name" (AT 343).
Note: The lost of the final nasal also appears in ## 59, 60, 63, 66, 69.
61. "nape" / "back"
PAi *Ok "nape, back of the neck" (V 120)
MK: Nicobar: Car uk "back", uk alaha "skin" (Das).
62. "neck" / "back"
PAi *de[-]kut "neck" (V 83), cf. Nairo tekuh id. vs. (B) rekutkoni "croup", rekutumbe "necklace, yoke", (la Perouse) tchikot-ampé (Naert 1961, 337), rekuci "throat", Kamcatka rëkût, Sakhalin reguzy "neck" (Klaproth 1823, 307)
MK: Nicobar: Car likun "neck, nape" (Das); Asli: Semang (Begbie), Orang Benua rot, Pangan Ulu Aring yud "neck" etc. (SB, N 23; Shorto & Sidwell reconstruct *tiyut/n); Riang (White Striped) s'rkot "nape of neck" (Luce 1965, 106), Nyakur k'o:-khût "neck";
AN *likud (Dempwolff) = *likûDe (Dyen & McFarland) "neck" (AT 224).
Lit.: Sidwell 1998a, 36: Ai + Nyakur.
63. "nose"
PAi *Etu (V 86), cf. (la Perouse) etou (Naert 1961, 327), Kamcatka ähdüm, Sakhalin idu (Klaproth 1823, 310)
TK: T *'day (Li 1977, 108, 110), Kam-Sui *'nay; Lakkia nay; Laqua tay; Ong-Be lay, zoy < *'doy (AT 345);
AN *ig'uj / ug'uj (Dempwolff) = *qiijuj (Dyen & McFarland);
?MK: U ti "nose".
Lit.: Gjerdman 1926, 43 & V 163: Ai + AN; Sidwell 1998a, 36: Ai + U.
64. "oil"
PAi *sum "oil" (V 141)
MK: Asli: Central Senoi senum, Orang Tanjong sinum id. (SB, O 11);
Munda: Santali sunum "oil";
?AN: Pol *sinu "oil, grease" (Bruce, Walsh & Waqa). The final -m could be lost regularly, cf. Pol *inu / *unu "to drink" < AN *inum (Dyen);
Lit.: Hayes 1996, #90: Ai + Santali + Asli.
65. "otter / squirrel"
PAi *rakkO "sea otter" (V 130), cf. Kamcatka riakko, Sakhalin raku (Klaproth 1823, 312)
MK *prook "squirrel" (MKC #412): Katuic *para:k / *para:'; SBahnar pro:' < PBahnar *paro:k (Sidwell 1998, #387); Khmer kampruk; Rear phro:k; Sakai prdkn; VM *pro:k (Ferlus) > VN soc "squirrel" (Efimov 1990, 111); cf. PCham *prok id. which is apparently of MK origin; similarly Lao-Ahom *rook < MK (see MKC #412).
TK: ?T *naak "otter"; Li: Loi teak, SLi na' id. (AT 348).
66. "palm of hand / five"
Ai para "palm of hand" (Patrie 1982, 16, 72), cf. para-tek(e) "hands" (B), Kuril (Torii) paru-teki "hand" (H 11)
MY *pra "five" (AT 350), cf. Ke-cheng prai, Kao-p'o pla, Yao-lu pja, Thailand Yao pyaa (Chang, BIHP 44 [1972], 595);
MK *p[d]am "five" (MKC #1363): PKhmer *pram, SBahnar *pram, NBahnar *ba'dam < PBahnar *pa'dam; VM *'dam (Thompson) = *dam "five" (Efimov 1990, 117; Sidwell 1998, #183).
67. "rain"
Ai weni "fine rain", wen-kuriki "a rain cloud", wene "watery" (B)
TK: Kam-Sui *xwinl "to rain" (Thurgood 1988, 215); T *fon "rain";
MY *(m)pwon "snow; cloud" (AT 360-61).
68. "river"
PAi *nay "stream, river", cf. (B) na "water", (la Perouse) naye "river" (Naert 1961, 341)
TK: Kam-Sui *'nya "river" (AJ 161), Be ja "id.; bay, port", Li gia "river" (Solnit 1988, 229), PLakkja *ts-Nia id. (Theraphan 1992, 66, 87);
?MK: WBahnar *banaj "river" (Jacq & Sidwell 2000, #174).
Note: Patrie (1982: 101) compared Ai nai "river" with Korean nai id. It looks quite convincingly, but the Korean word is derived from Middle Korean naih, originating from Old Korean *narix (Ki-Moon 1976, 80). It means the Ainu and Korean words are compatible only in the case that the Ainu form is borrowed from late Korean.
69. "road"
PAi *truu > Yakumo, Saru etc. ru, Raichiska ruu, Nairo tuu, (Dobrotvorskij) tru & ru, Kuril (Voznesenskij) tojru & tru etc. (V 147)
MK *truu/ / *trua/ "path, road" (MKC #698): PMon *traw "way, road" (Diffloth 1984, 126), Khmer phlo:v (Shorto 1971, 175) and / or SBahnar *tro:/ id. (Efimov 1990, 128) < PBahnar *taro:r ~ *taru:/ "road, path" (Sidwell 1998, #412; he adds Mon glo/ "road" < PMon *gloor (Diffloth 1984, p. 123); VN du'o'ng "road" < MK *rdi(a)/ by MKC #590, and without any comments Sino-Tibetan *ro| "road", maybe of substratal, i.e. of MK origin?).
The zero reflex of in Ainu has analogy in the entry "nose".
70. "root" / "tendon"
PAi *rit "root", cf. Kuril (Voznesenskij) ryt "tendons" (V 132)
AN *'uyat (Dempwolff) = *uRiat (Biggs) = PPhil *'uRiaC (Zorc & Charles) "sinew, vein";
Munda *rehed "root": Santali rehe'd, Mundari red? "root" (P 156; Luce 1965, 124);
MK *ris/*rias/*ras/*r'ias "root" (MKC #1927): Waic *res "root" (Diffloth); Khmer ris; Mon ruih; PKatuic *riejh (Peyros); Bahnar rah, Sre rias, Stieng rieh etc. < PBahnar *riah (Sidwell 1998, #332); VM *re:lh; Nicobar: Nancowry 'al, Central yiah; ? Asli: Semang of North Perak yaes etc. id. (SB, R 173; Shafer 1966, 25-26).
Lit.: V 169-70: Ai + MK.
71. "skin"
PAi *kAp "skin, fur" (V 99), cf. (B) kapu "skin, bark", Sakhalin kapu "Haut" (Klaproth 1823, 307) > (or < ?) OJp kaFa "skin, hide / fur"
AN: SForm *kaba > Kanakanabu kdva "skin", Paiwan kava "(skins-)clothing" (AJ 242);
MK: Stieng kup, kuo:p "skin, bark"; Asli: Sakai (Sungai Raya) tse-kop "bark", (C) "skin", Ja-kun tsun-kop "skin" (SB, S 234).
Lit.: V 168: Ai + MK.
72. "skin" / "hair" / "head"
PAi *ur "fur coat, skin, hair of body" (V 152)
Munda: Mundari u:r "skin", Santali, Ho ur (P 366);
MK *huur "skin" (MKC #1687).
73. "soul" / "heart" / "breast"
PAi *rAm "soul, heart, mind, feelings, think" (V 130), cf. (la Perouse) tchame "le devant et le haut de la poitrine" (Naert 1961, 330)
MK: Waic *rmhom "heart, mind" > Kawa hrom etc. (Diffloth), SBahnar *pard:m "entrails" (Efimov 1990, 64);
AN *yuma "breast" (Capell) = Ruma (Hayes 1996: Ai + AN) or Form: Puyuma rami "liver" (Ting 1978, 360).
Lit.: V 169: Ai + Waic.
74. "star"
PAi *kEta id. (V 102)
AN: Oc *qata id. (Grace);
MK: Khmuic: Mal quut id. (Thomas & Headley, Lingua 25 [1970], 414).
75. "stomach" / "heart" / "lungs" / "bladder"
PAi *pisE "stomach" (V 126), cf. (B) pise "bladder", pisoi "belly of a fish", Kamcatka pseh "stomach", Sakhalin psi (Klaproth 1823, 309)
TK: T *poot "lungs" (Li 1977, 278-79);
AN *put'u heart, bud" (Dempwolff) = *pusiuq "lungs, heart" (Dyen & McFarland) (AT 312-3);
MK *puus / *puas "heart" (MKC #1912).
76. "stone"
Ai pit "small stone, flint" (B) AN *batu "stone" (Dempwolff);
?TK: T *pat "gem, grains of glass, glass pearls, pearl", Laqua pa < *paatu (AT 398).
77. "stone"
Ainu: Kuril (Torii) pira "rock" (Kagami 1962, 519-21; H 208)
TK: Sek phra "cliff, rock", Dioi pya "precipice"; Kam-Sui *pra "rock, rocky hill" (AT 39899; Thurgood 1988, 215) MY: pYao *plei "stone" (Haudricourt; see AT 399).
78. "stone"
PAi *suma "stone" (V 141)
MK %mo' "stone" (MKC #146): OMon tmo "stone, rock, hill", OKhmer t(h)mo "stone";
Praok simaw, Mae Sariang samo' id. Lit.: V 170-71: Ai + MK.
79. "sun" / "day"
Ai tombe "sun" or "moon" (B)
Munda: Kharia tum'bo' day, 12 hours", Sora 'tamba: "to be forenoon", 'tamba:-'togal "day
and night" (P 165); ?MK: Nicobar: Car tawuui / tawe "sun" (Das).
80. "tooth" / "chew"
PAi *ima(-)k (V 96) "tooth", cf. (la Perouse) yma (Naert 1961, 327), Kamcatka imak, Sakhalin nimaki (= *ni "tooth" + imak- id.), Hokkaido mimak (Klaproth 1823, p. 314) MK: Khmu mah "to eat", Katu mamah "to chew" (Hayes 1996) and / or Khmer jiaj "barb",
OMon rek "tooth", Niakuol of Petchaben jiek id. (Shorto 1971, 90); Nihali menge "tooth, jaw";
AN *mamaq "to chew" (Dyen & McFarland), cf. Oc *maka(s) "tooth" (Grace); TK: ST *(h)ma(a)k > Ahom mak "chew the cuds"; Kam-Sui *hmaak "chew" (AJ 175).
81. "trunk"
PAi *tumAm "trunk (of body / tree), waist" (V 148)
MK: PBahnar *ta:m "tree trunk" (Sidwell 1998, #678); PKatuic *had\:m "trunk"; Khmer tem etc. (Shafer 1966, 14), OMon tam "base, foot, beginning", in compounds "plant, tree"; Asli: Besisi torn "base, foot", Semang tom "tree" etc. (Shorto 1971, 142); ?TK: Thai ton "tree trunk". Lit.: V 173: Ai + MK.
82. "vulva"
PAi *pOk "vagina, bottom of anything" (V 126); ? cf. Jp fuku "belly" AN *puki' "vulva" (Dempwolff);
MY: Miao (Petchabun) pau / pi < *b[o] / *bi < *buq[i] / biq[i] < *buq[i] (AT 417);
?MK: Kui pe vagina" (Prasert).
Lit.: V 168: Ai + Kui.
83. "water" / "drink"
Ai (w)akka (B), (la Perouse) oouachka (Naert 1961, 341 cites Sakhalin Ai wahka by his records) = (Hokkaido) wacha, wazka, (Sakhalin) waka (Klaproth 1823, 313) "water" (it is tempting to speculate about e.g. the following development: wakka / wahka / wazka < *wajka < *wayka )
AN *wayay (Dempwolff) = *wahiRi23 (Dyen & McFarland) "water";
?TK: NKelao u, in compounds wu, Lati i "river" (AT 420);
?MK: Asli: Semaq Beri lawak "river" (Hayes) and / or Sakai of Pulai Guai wök, Sakai of Krau wö, Semang Paya uoh "to drink" etc. (SB, D 166), cf. also Khmer uak, Ksinmul 'uk id. (Sidwell 1996 ms. compares the last two forms with PAi *kuu "to drink" — see V 108);
Note: V 91, 166 reconstructs PAi *hdak-ka and compares it with AU *dak "water": Munda W / *da' "water" (P 69); MK: PMon *daak (Diffloth); SBahnar *da:k (Efimov 1990, p. 35) < PBahnar *'da:k (Sidwell 1998, #45); PKatuic *'d[ia]' (Peyros); VM *'dak (Thompson); Nicobar: Central, Coastal da:k, Chowra ra:k etc. (Shafer 1966, 8-11); Asli: Sakai (Bera & Serting) dak id., Orang Hutan (Palong) dak "sea" (SB, W 30).
84. "(fresh) water"
Ai nam "fresh or cool (as fresh water), cold as water or one's feet hands", nam wakka "fresh or cool water" (B)
TK: T *nram; Kam-Sui *nam; Lakkia num; Ong-Be nam; Li *nom etc. "water" (AT 420);
AN *[dd]anum (Dempwolff) = *DaNume (Dyen & McFarland) "water";
MY: Yao *'nam "cold of water" (Chang, Language 42 [1966], 307);
MK *niuum "urine / to urinate" (MKC #1365): Khmer nom, Mon nam, Talaing nam "to water", Bahnar num, SBahnar *'nno:m id. (Efimov 1990, 134); Asli: Sakai kenam, nom "urine" etc. (Shafer 1966, 22, 23).
Note: Schmidt (1906, 134) compared AN with Bahnar dönäu "Binnensee", but it looks as a loan from Chamic.
85. "water"
PAi *pE "water, sap" (V 124), cf. pen "source", pene "fine rain; aqueous, watery" etc. (B), Kamcatka peh "water" (Klaproth 1823, 313)
AN *ba'ah (Dempwolff) = *bahaq (Dyen & McFarland) "flood, water" etc.;
TK: T *'ba "overflow, spill" (AT 349);
?MK: Bahnar bah "Mündung eines Flusses", Khmer anwäh "kleiner Bach, Kanal" (Schmidt 1906, 155) or perhaps better VM *pe "sea" (Thompson).
86. "white"
PAi *detara (V 83), cf. Sakhalin tedari, Hokkaido tetar (Klaproth 1823, 314), Yakumo, Asa-higawa etc. retar, Raichiska, Naira tetara id.
Munda: Santali tartaria "rein, klar"; Savara taar "to shine, brilliant, white", Gadaba ta-tär "white", Kharia tardi id. (Shafer 1966, 14);
MK: Bahnar tär "leuchtendes Weiss" (Schmidt 1906, 133);
AN *tarah "clear" (Dempwolff).
Lit.: V 165: Ai + Munda + MK.
87. "wife" / "woman"
Ai (Kuril by Torii) kani kokkai "wife" : kokkai "husband" (H 45)
Munda: Kharia kon-sel "woman, wife" (cf. P 330);
MK *ka(a)n "woman" (MKC #1126): PKatuic *['/h/y]akan (Peyros); PPearic *kin "female"; Khmu camkam "woman"; PBahnar *('a-)kan "woman / wife" > Alak, Sue, Rengao kan "female (animal)", Stieng kan "female", Tampuon jkan "woman"; Palaung Wa: Bo Luang kon id., Mape kaun; Nicobar: Nancowry kan, Central & Coastal, Chowra kan "wife", Teresa kedn (Shafer 1966, 12; Sidwell 1998, #194).
88. "year"
PAi *paa "year, season, age" (V 123), cf. Kamcatka pah, Sakhalin pa (Klaproth 1823, 308)
TK: T *pi "year" (Li 1977, 62, 263); Kam-Sui *be, Ong-Be 'bei, Li 'be; Lakkia pei (Haudricourt, BSLP 62 [1967], 172).
Conclusion
Following the great specialist in Austronesian (and African) languages, Otto Dempwolff, we assume that the preceding list of lexical parallels between Ainu and the Austric languages represents the first step in the inductive phase of the demonstration of genetic relationship (really a continuation of the first steps taken by Gjerdman, et al.). The following step (already begun, for example, by Norquest, 1998) consists of the formulation of regular phonetic correspondences, which should be verified during the deductive phase. We believe that future progress in comparative and historical Austric linguistics will lead to the complete demonstration of the membership of Ainu within the Austric macro-phylum (along with Austronesian, Thai-Kadai, Miao-Yao, Austroasiatic, and probably also Nihali). If our article helps to stimulate discussion of the position of Ainu in genetic classification, it has served its purpose.
Abbreviations of languages
AA: Austroasiatic, Ai: Ainu, AN: Austronesian, AU: Austroasiatic, C: Central, E: East, Form: Formosan, Hesp: Hesperonesian, Jav: Javanese, Jp: Japanese, Kor: Korean, MK: Mon-Khmer, MY: Miao-Yao, N: North, O: Old, Oc: Oceanic, P: Proto-, Phil: Philipinese, Pol: Polynesian, S: South, T: Thaic, TK: Thai-Kadai, VM: Viet-Muong, VN: Vietnamese, W: West.
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Appendix: Austroasiatic languages
Recently two competing classifications of Austroasiatic languages were proposed. Gérard Dif-floth (2005) is the author of the first model (quoted after van Driem 2006, 169).
-5000
-3000
-1000
+1000
Munda
Austroasiatic
Khasi-Khmui
Khmer-
-Vietic
Bahnaric
Asli-
Nico-
-Monic
-Mon
Korku Kherwarian Kharia-Juang Konput
Khasi Pakanic
E. Palaung W. Palaung
Khmuic
Vietic
E. Katuic W. Katuic
W. Bahnaric NW. Bahnaric
N. Bahnaric C. Bahnaric S. Bahnaric
Khmeric
Pearic
Monic
N. Aslian Senoi S. Aslian
Nicobaric
Around the same time I. Peiros (2004, 34) offered his own classification of the Austroasi-atic languages, based on 'recalibrated' glottochronology, developed by Sergei Starostin.
-7000
-5000
-3000
-1000
+1000
Austroasiatic
-6300
Mon-Khmer
-4600
-4280
-3310
-3950
-3150
-2710
-2290
-3800
-2990
Nicobaric [-1710] Munda
[-1980] Khasi
Pearic [+220] Khmeric
[+960] Aslian
[-2040] Monic
[+370] Katuic
[-1040] Bahnaric [-2020] Mangic
[-2640] Vietic
[-1480] Palaung-Wa
[-1250] Khmuic [-2610]
It is apparent that the biggest difference is in the position of Nicobaric and Munda.
На сегодняшний день существует целый ряд гипотез о генетическом родстве айнского языка (о. Хоккайдо, ранее был распространен также на Сахалине и Курильских островах) с языками других семей. Наиболее серьезными из них можно считать (1) алтайскую или, шире, евразийскую (ностратическую) гипотезу происхождения айнского, которой придерживаются такие исследователи, как Рамстедт, Стрит, Гринберг, Рулен и др.; (2) австрическую гипотезу, согласно которой айнский язык родственен австронезийским, австро-азиатским, тай-кадайским и мяо-яо языкам (Гьердман, Штернберг, Мураяма, Вовин и др.). Данные физической антропологии частично указывают на северо-восточно-азиатское, частично — на юго-восточно-азиатское происхождение айнов и, таким образом, не могут считаться диагностичными. Авторы статьи склоняются в сторону большей правдоподобности гипотезы (2). Согласно их представлениям, внутреннее членение австрической макросемьи можно представить следующим образом: (а) австро-тайская часть (австронезийские и тай-кадайские языки), (б) мяо-австроазиат-ская часть, (в) периферийные "реликты", такие, как нихали (в Индии) и айнский. В статье приводятся 88 этимологий, которые, по мнению авторов, убедительно подкрепляют их гипотезу; в их состав входят личные местоимения, основные числительные и другая базисная лексика. Главной целью статьи можно считать стимулирование дискуссии о месте айнского языка в системе языков мира.
