Initial Occlusive Bashkir Consonants t and d in Comparison with the Pre-Turkic *t and *d Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

DOI 10.24411/2223-0564-2019-10312 L.K. Ishkildina UDC 801.4: 809434.3

INITIAL OCCLUSIVE BASHKIR CONSONANTS t AND d IN COMPARISON WITH THE PRE-TURKIC *t AND *d

(АНЛАУТНЫЕ СМЫЧНЫЕ СОГЛАСНЫЕ [Т] И [Д] БАШКИРСКОГО ЯЗЫКА В СРАВНЕНИИ С ПРАТЮРКСКИМИ *t И *d)

Аннотация

В данной статье приведены итоги исследования по инициальным смычным т и д башкирского языка в сравнении с пратюркскими формами на *t- и *d-. Сравнительный анализ выявил несколько групп соответствий, исходя из чего можно предположить, что на пракыпчакском уровне (по крайней мере, в поволжских кыпчакских) уже существовал звонкий смычный d- в начальной позиции.

Проблему тюркского анлаута ученые решают по-разному. М. Рясянен, А.М. Щербак, Г. Дёрфер и их сторонники восстанавливают в пратюркском только один дентальный смычный - глухой (сильный) *t-, появление звонкого (слабого) *d- связывают с позиционным озвончением. Другую точку зрения выдвинул З. Гомбоц (1912), который в свое время восстанавливал в алтайском троичное противопоставление: *t- (тюрк. *t-, монг. *t-, тунг. *t-) - *d- (тюрк. *t-, монг.*й?-, тунг.*d-) - *8 (тюрк. *j-, монг. *d-, тунг. *d-). Данную гипотезу развивает В.М. Иллич-Свитыч (1963).

Реконструируемые В.М. Иллич-Свитычем *t и *d для пратюркского подтверждается на огузском материале. В кыпчакских языках *t- и *d- совпали в одном *t-. В поволжских тюркских языках выявлены свои особенности развития пратюркских дентальных *t- и *d-. В башкирском языке выявлены следующие закономерности развития пратюркских начальных смычных *t- и *d-: 1) пратюркский *t- сохраняется в башкирском языке, когда в конце первого слога идет глухой согласный: ПТ. *topyrak 'почва' - башк. тупрак, ПТ. *ta\yp- 'находить' -башк. тап-, ПТ. *tut- 'держать' - башк. тот-; 2) пратюркский *t- озвончается при последующем сонорным в слове: ПТ. *teqiz 'море' - башк. дицгеПТ. *teken 'репейник' - башк. дегэнэк; 3) пратюркский *d- соответствует башкирскому д-, хотя есть и глухие варианты: ПТ. *dort 'четыре' - башк. дYрт, ай., караид., кыз., средн., верхнеб., кар.-кипчак. тYрт; ПТ. *dugi 'обрушенная крупа' - башк. доге, средн., сакмар. твгв; ПТ. *damor 'корень' - др.-тюрк. tamar, tamir - башк. тамыр, арг. дамыр; 4) начальный пратюркский *d- в башкирском языке соответствует глухому т-: ПТ. *dokkэz 'девять' - башк. тугы.ПТ. *degiq 'белка' - др.-тюрк. tejiy - башк. тейен, ПТ. *degul 'не' - башк. тYгел и т.д.

Таким образом, можно констатировать неоднозначность не только пратюркского анлаута, но и пракып-чакского. Как видим, по приведенным примерам пратюркские формы не обнаруживают полного соответствия на башкирском материале.

Утверждения В.М. Иллич-Свитыча и его преемников не лишены достоверности. Видимо, в древнетюрк-ском наблюдалась дихотомия инициальных t- и d-, т.к. ее следы обнаруживаются в одном из кыпчакских языков - башкирском. Для кыпчакских, вероятно, был характерен в большей степени глухой t-, а d- есть, видимо, архаизм, который затронул определенные лексемы: дурт, доге, дуцгыд, дала, далан, дауыл, дицге§ и др., т.к. у них наблюдается широкий диапазон распространения по говорам башкирского языка и они выступают как литературная норма. В татарском языке в указанных лексемах также употребляется звонкое начало. Вероятно, как это отметил еще А. Берта (1989), для этой категории слов для поволжско-кыпчакского должен восстанавливаться звонкий анлаутный д-. К этой же группе он относит некоторые ранние заимствования: монг. *delbege 'вожжи' - башк., тат. дилбегэ, монг. *dem 'сватовство' - башк., тат. дим.

Ишкильдина Линара Камиловна, кандидат филологических наук, научный сотрудник отдела языкознания Ордена Знак Почета Института истории, языка и литературы Уфимского федерального исследовательского центра РАН (Уфа), e-mail: lina86_08@mail.ru

Linara K. Ishkildina, Cand.Sc. (Philology), Research Fellow, Department of Linguistics, Order of the Badge of Honour Institute of History, Language and Literature, Ufa Federal Research Centre, Russian Academy of Sciences (Ufa), e-mail: lina86_08@mail.ru

© Ishkildina L.K., 2019

ПРОБЛЕМЫ ВОСТОКОВЕДЕНИЯ. 2019/3 (85)

Обнаруженные примеры на переход т > д в говорах представляют, следует понять, внутриязыковой процесс, т.к. обнаруживается определенная закономерность озвончения под влиянием последующих звонких согласных.

Ключевые слова: пратюркский язык, кыпчакские языки, инициальные смычные согласные, башкирский язык

Linara K. Ishkildina

INITIAL OCCLUSIVE BASHKIR CONSONANTS t AND d IN COMPARISON WITH THE PRE-TURKIC *t AND *d

Abstract

This article deals with the problem of initial *t and *d in the Turkic languages: their reconstruction to the stage of Turkic proto-language. In recent years, the theory of binary opposition in the Proto-Turkic (V.M. Illich-Svitych and others) has been widely spread in Turkology. In the light of this hypothesis, we conducted a study of the Pre-Turkic stops *t- and *d- on the material of one of the Kypchak languages - the Bashkir language.

In the Bashkir language, the following patterns of the development of Pre-Turkic *t- and * d- have been revealed: 1) preservation of *t- with subsequent voiceless consonants in the word; 2) voicing of *t- with subsequent voiced consonants; 3) Pre-Turkic *d- corresponds to the surd t- in the Bashkir language; 4) in a small amount of lexemes the Proto-Turkic d- corresponds to the d- from the Bashkir language.

Thus, for the Volga-Kipchak region it is possible to restore the surd t-, apart from some archaisms on the d-. The transition *t- > d- in the dialects represents, it should be understood, an intra-linguistic process, since it discovers a certain pattern of voicing under the influence of subsequent voiced consonants.

Key words: Pre-Turkic, Kypchak languages, initial stop consonants, Bashkir language

Scholars solve the problem of Turkic Anlaut in different ways. M. Räsänen, A.M. Shcherbak, G. Dörfer and their supporters reconstruct in Pre-Turkic only one dental occlusive - voiceless (fortis) *t-, the appearance of voiced (lenes) *d- is associated with positional voicing. M. Räsänen, agreeing with G.J. Ramstedt, notes the probability *t- > d-under the influence of a phrasal stress [9, p. 138]. A.M. Shcherbak explains the appearance of d- in the Oguz languages and in Tuvan to be a result of the weakening of the degree of tension of the Proto-Turkic *t- [10, p. 90-91].

G. Clauson, proceeding from the testimony of the Uighur language, considers only the sonorous *d- existing in the Proto-Turkic time.

Another point of view was put forward by Z. Gombocz (1912), who at one time reconstructed in the Altai epoch a threefold opposition: *t- (Tur. *t-, Mong. *t-, Tung. *t-) - *d- (Tur. *t-, Mong. *d-, Tung. *d-) - *S (Tur. *j-, Mong. *d-, Tung. *d-). This hypothesis is developed by V.M. Illich-Svitych (1963). The existence of the initial d- in the Oghuz languages, as well as in the Tuvan and Tofalar languages incites him to the idea of the binary Pre-

Turkic opposition *t- and *d-, which behaves as follows: Pre-Turkic *t- ~ Oguz. t- (t- > d-) ~ Tuva, Tofalar t- (t- > d-) ~ other languages t-; Pre-Turkic *d- ~ Oguz. d- ~ Tuvin., Tof. d- ~ other languages t- [4, p. 44]. For the rest of the Turkic languages, V. Illich-Svitych proposes to accept the change *d- > *t-, "leading to the coincidence of two dental phonemes in one (t-). Traces of the dichotomy may have been preserved here. We have in mind a number of words with the initial *d-, used mainly enclitically, so that in the phonetic word the *d position turned out to be the middle one; in such cases the d is preserved by most Turkic languages, cf. Turk. *de- 'speak', *dayy 'also, and', dayin, dayri 'to', possibly dort 'four' [4, p. 43]. The theory of V. Illich-Svitych is being finalized by S. Starostin and A. Dybo. A. Dybo, after considering the complete material on the initial t / d, comes to the conclusion that "in Oghuz languages there are basically three series of correspondences: a) Tur., Az., Turkm. d; b) Tur., Gag., Az., Turkm. t; c) Tur., Gag., Az., Turkm. d (only in the back-row words)" [3, p. 49-50]. The *t and *d reconstructed by the Moscow scholars for the Pre-Turkic is confirmed on the Oguz material. As noted by V. Illich-Svitych,

in the Kypchak languages *t- and *d- coincided in one *t-. "In most cases, this kind of development is recorded. However, sometimes in the part of languages and dialects there is a d recorded at the place of the primordial *d, which is an archaism. The question of the positions in which the initial voiced phoneme remains, the reflexion across languages and areas requires a painstaking study and collecting material" [8, p. 60].

The Anlaut t is recorded in the earliest ancient Turkic sources. A. Kononov indicates the absence in the anlaut of a voiced forelingual d in the Turkic rhunic monuments of the 7th - 9th centuries (the Onginsky monument, the monuments in honor of Kul-Tegin and Tonyukuk, the monument to Mogilyan-Khan, etc.) [6, p. 63]. In his dictionary Divan lugat at-Turk (the 11th century) M. Kashgari notes the voicing of the voiceless t: "Oghuzes and those who follow them replace every t by d. So, a camel is tava, and they pronounce dava" [7, p. 71].

The Bashkir language demonstrates the use of mostly anlaut t-, its sonorous pair is considered to be a dialect phenomenon, with the exception of a small set of words in d- in the literary language [5, p. 78].

We have carried out a study of the Proto-Turkic occlusive *t- and *d- on the material of one of the Kypchak languages - the Bashkir language.

An attempt to compare the dental stops has revealed the following groups:

1. The Pre-Turkic *t- is preserved if at the end of the syllable there is a voiceless consonant:

Pre-Turk. *topyrak 'soil' - Bash. tupraq;

Pre-Turk. *ta/yp- 'find' - Bash. tap-,

Pre-Turk. *tut- 'hold' - Bash. tot-;

Pre-Turk. *tekir 'level' - Bash. taqyr, tiged;

Pre-Turk. *tuk 'hair' - Bash. tok;

Pre-Turk. *tok 'satiated' - Bash. tuq;

Pre-Turk. *tak- 'cling' - Bash. taq- and so on. The following lexemes are an exception:

Bash. (lit.) tup 'ball' - Arg. dial. dup;

Bash. (lit.) taSma 'ribbon' - Dim. dial. [daOma];

Rush. taz 'bowl' > Bash. (lit.) tas - Ay., Argh., Mias., Sal'jut., north-west. dial. [das / daz].

2. In the position where following the Anlaut voiceless *t- there follows a sonorous sound, there occurs a voicing of the t- in Bashkir, although there are also voiceless options:

Pre-Turk. *teyiz 'sea' - Bash. diyged, Karaid. tiykes;

Proto-Alt. *falV 'an open place, open sea' -Old-Turk. tala 'steppe' - Bash. (lit.) dala;

Pra-Turk. *teken 'burdock' - Bash. deganak, Tanyp. tiganak, north-west. dial. tiganank, Dim. dial. deganak / teganak [2];

Pre-Turk. *tun 'night' - Bash. (lit.) tonon 'by night' - north-west. dial. donon;

Pre-Alt. *t'dyke 'round' - Bash. (lit.) tuyarak 'round', Dim. dial. dugarak, Mias., Urshak., Irgizo-kam. duyarak, Arg., Gajn., Dim. dial., Tok-Soran., Mid. dial. dugarak, Mid Ur. dugarak / duyarak, Orenb. deugarak [2];

Proto-Turk. *tolku- 'beat (aboutwaves), wave' -Bash. tulqynlau 'to form waves' / tulqyn 'wave', Ik-Sakmar. dulqyn;

Cf. also examples across subdialects:

Bash. (lit.) tamya 'brand' - Dim., Ik-Sakmar., east. dial. damya [2];

Bash. (lit.) talan 'happiness, luck' - Kyz., Mid., Ik-Sakmar. dalan [2];

Bash. (lit.) timgel 'spot' - Kyz., Irgiz. dimgel [2];

Bash. (lit.) tan 'body' - Arg., Mias., Sal'jut., Ik-Sakmar., Dim., Mid., Mid Ur., Urshak., Orenb., Irgizo-Kam. dan [2];

Bash. (lit.) talaj 'a little, a few' - Sakmar. dalai [2];

Bash. (lit.) tary 'millet' - Dim., north-west. dial. dary [2];

Bash. (lit.) tau 'mountain' - Mid Ur. dau [2];

Bash. (lit.) tirman 'mill' - Dim. digerman / dirman [2];

Bash. (lit.) taran 'deep' - Dim., Mid. diran, Ik-Sakmar., Mid Ur. daran, etc.

Borrowings are also involved in the process of voicing if the subsequent sonorous sound follows, for example, (Gr. > Rus.) talant - Sakmar. [dalant], (Germ. > Rus.) tampak 'tombak' - Dim., Mid. [dumpak], (Arab.) tarix 'history' - Mias. [darix], (Rus. > Fr.) tambur 'kind of embroidery' - Dim. [dambour] [2] and others.

If there is a voiced sonorous sound in the language, then in subdialects there is also a voicing t > d:

Bash. (lit.) taba 'frying pan' - Arg., Sal'jut. [daba];

Bash. (lit.) tuba 'roof, ceiling' - Arg. [duba];

Bash. (lit.) tuyaj 'meadow' - Ay., Arg., Miass., Sal'jut., Ik-Sakmar., Mid Ur., Dim., Mid. duyaj [2];

Bash. (lit.) tuyyn 'rim' - Dim., Mid., Ay., nordwest. dial. [duyyn / duyym] [2];

Bash. (lit.) tagarmas 'wheel' - Dim., Mias., Mid Ur. dagarmas, Arg. daygarsak [2];

Bash. (lit.) tayy 'more' - Arg., Mias., Ay. daxy,

etc.

3. Pre-Turk. *d- corresponds to the Bashkir d-, although there are also voiceless options:

Pre-Turk. *dort 'four' - Bash. durt, Ay., Karaid., Kyz., Mid., Kar.-Kipchak. turt [2];

Pre-Turk. *dugi 'crushed cereal' - Bash. dogo, Mid., Sakmar. togo;

Pre-Turk. *damor 'root' - Old-Turk. tamar, tamir - Bash. tamyr, Arg. damyr;

Proto-Turk. *doyur 'pig' - Old-Turk. toyuz -Bash. duyyyd 'boar';

4. The reconstructed initial Pre-Turk. *d- in the Bashkir language corresponds to the voiceless t-(at least the following lexemes are recorded in the voiced version):

Pre-Turk. *dokkaz 'nine' - Bash. tuyyd;

Pre-Turk. *degiy 'squirrel' - Old-Turk. tejiy -Bash. tejen,

Proto-Turk. *degul 'not' - Bash. tugel,

Proto-Turk. *doS- 'saturate' - Bash. tuj-;

Proto-Turk. *dog- 'give birth' - Bash. tyw-, etc.

Proto-Turk. *dat- 'to have a taste' - Old-Turk. tat- - Bash. tat- 'to try; have a taste', tatly 'tasty'.

Thus, one can state the ambiguity of not only the Pre-Turk. Anlaut, but also the Pre-Kypchak one. As we can see from the examples given, the Pre-Turkic forms do not demonstrate a complete correspondence on the Bashkir material.

Assertions of V. Illich-Svitych, and further of his followers are not without credibility. Apparently in the ancient Turkic there was a dichotomy of the initial t- and d-, as its traces are found in one of the Kypchak languages -viz. Bashkir. For the Kypchak group, apparently, a more voiceless t-character was a feature, and the d- is apparently an archaism, which affected certain lexemes: durt, dogo, duyyyS, dala, dalan, dawyl, diygeS, etc., because they have a wide range of distribution according to the dialects of the Bashkir language, and they act as a literary norm. In the Tatar language, the above-mentioned lexemes also use a sonorous principle. Probably, as A. Berta (1989) also noted, for this category of words for the Volga-Kypchak area one must reconstruct a sonorous Anlaut d. To this group he refers also some early borrowings: Mong. *delbege 'reins' - Bash., Tat. dilbega, Mong. *dem 'matchmaking' - Bash., Tat. dim [1, p. 194].

The examples found for the transition t > d in the dialects represent, as we should understand, an intralinguistic process, since they reveal a certain pattern of voicing under the influence of subsequent voiced consonants.

REFERENCES

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List of Abbreviations

Az. - Azerbaijani,

Ay. - Ajskij subdialect of the Bashkir language, Arab. - Arabic,

Arg. - Argayash subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Bash. - Bashkir language,

Gag. - Gagauz,

Gr. - Greek,

Germ. - German,

Dim. - Demskij subdialect,

Old-Turk. - Old Turkic,

Ik-Sakmar. - Ik-Sakmarskij subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Irgizo-Kam. - Irgizo-Kamelikskij subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Kar.-Kipchak. - Karagai-Kypchakskij patois of the Bashkir language,

Karaid. - Karaidelskij subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Kyz. - Kyzyl'skij subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Mias. - Miasskij subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Orenb. - Orenburgskij subdialect, Proto-Alt. - Proto-Altaic, Pre-Alt. - Pre-Altaic, Pre-Turk. - Pre-Turkic, Proto-Turk. - Proto-Turkic, Russ. - Russian,

Sakmar. - Sakmarskij subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Sal'jut. - Sal'jutskij subdialect of the Bashkir language,

North-West. dial. - Northwestern dialect of the Bashkir language,

Mid. - Middle subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Mid Ur. - Middle Urals subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Mong. - Mongolic, Tat. - Tatar, Tur. - Turkish, Turkm. - Turkmen,

Urschak. - Urshakskij subdialect of the Bashkir language,

Fr. - French