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2017.04.004. ASLANBEK ADIYEV, ELENA SHCHERBINA. DAGHESTAN AND KARACHAYEVO-CIRCASSIA: SETTLEMENT PROBLEMS OF ETHNIC COMPOSITION IN POWER BODIES OF POLY-ETHNIC REGIONS // "VastMoscow, 2017, № 2, P. 59-63.
Keywords: informal ethnic representation, poly-ethnic region, state nationalities policy.
Aslanbek Adiyev,
PhD (Politics), Academic Secretary,
Regional Center of ethnopolitical studies,
Daghestan scientific center, RAS
Elena Shcherbina,
PhD (Politics), Assistant Professor,
Leading research associate,
Karachayevo-Circassian Institute of Humanities
at the Government of Karachayevo-Circassian Republic
The Republic of Daghestan (RD) and the Karachayevo-Circassian Republic (KCR) are the most multinational parts of the Russian Federation. Their experience in maintaining ethnopolitical stability is largely connected with the balanced political representation of ethnic groups living on their territory in the state and local power bodies.
The main ethnic groups living in KCR are the Abazins, Karachais, Nogais, Russians and Circassians. They account for 95.5 percent of the population of the region, according to the results of the All-Russia population census of 2010. In 1996 the KCR Constitution proclaimed the subject-forming status of these peoples whose languages were recognized as the national languages in the republic, and the leading composition of the government and parliament of the republic is formed with due account of national representation. Thus, the constitutional model of the formation and functioning of the state power bodies is based on the principle of political representation of ethnic groups.
The present system fixed the key posts in KCR as follows: the head of the KCR - Karachai by nationality, the chairman of the government - Circassian, the chairman of the Natonal Assemby - Russian. The republican government and parliament consist of members representing the ethnic groups living in the republic, and the republican leadership and public closely watch observance of the proportionate representation of these groups in the KCR bodies of power. The informal ethnic representation takes place not only in the bodies of state power, but also in local power bodies. Thus, at the head of rural municipal districts of KCR stand representatives of the ethnic majority living there. Of the ten districts of the KCR the municipalities are headed by four Karachais, two Russians, two Circassians, one Abazin, and one Nogai.
The observance of the principles of informal ethnic representation in the bodies of power has always been under strict control of national public organizations which have initiated the problem of ethnic representation in power bodies from their very inception, and the positions of public activists have largely been determined by the numerical strength of ethnic groups. The Karachais and Russians due to their greater number as compared to other KCR people maintained that the proportionality principle should be the foundation of ethnic representation. Smaller ethnic groups - Circassian, Abazins and Nogais - insisted on the principles of parity representation in power and alternate leadership of the republic by representatives of five-subject-forming ethnic groups of the KCR, and also on the constitutional warrant of this rule. The active struggle of the leaders of national public organizations for greater representation of their people in the republican bodies of power is also motivated by the fact that each people's statehood is largely guaranteed by their representation in the state power bodies of the KCR.
In the poly-ethnic Karachayevo-Circassian Republic, from its very inception, the state structure model has been based on the
proportionate informal ethnic representation, which ensures a political balance among the five subject-forming peoples of the region. This model is a result of a private social contract aimed at ensuring ethnopolitical stability in the region, which is periodically violated due to differences between political appointments and the system of informal ethnic representation in the KCR.
An example of the informal institutionalization of the distribution of important posts by the ethnic principle is demonstrated by the Republic of Daghestan, where 14 so-called titular ethnic groups have been included in the quota share system (Avars, Dargins Kumyks, Lezghins Russians, Lakts, Tabasaran, Azerbaijanis, Chechens, Aguls, Nogais, Rutuls, Tsakhurs and Tats). Prior to the first elections to the People's Assembly (parliament) of Daghestan in 1991 elections took place to urban councils of deputies. At that time, before the problem of national representation was regulated, it was mainly representatives of the ethnic majority who lived there that were elected to the local bodies of power. A wave of indignation swept the republic and national movements came into being. In 1995 new regional laws were evolved, new regional political institutions and bodies of power formed, such as the State Council of Daghestan. In 1995 during the first elections to the regional parliament the ethnic principle of quota share established by law was used. The electoral reform of 2003 introduced the use of the proportionate principle at elections in parts of the Russian Federation, Daghestan included. However, the old quota share practice of distributing posts by the ethnic principle continues. By tradition the post of the head of a part of the territory is taken by a representative of one of the most numerical Daghestani nations (Avar or Dargin). Not a single leading post in Daghestan is taken by a representative of any concrete ethnic group. But the distribution of important positions is made on the ethnic principle depending on the nationality of a person holding the post of the head of a given region.
For example, if he is Avar, the post of the speaker of parliament will be taken by either a Dargin or Kumyk, but not an Avar.
Ethnic representation at the state power bodies in the poly-ethnic regions of the Russian Caucasus can be regarded as an informal political institution. This principle is recognized by the Federal Center, because it is believed that such practice ensures socio-political stability in poly-ethnic republics. It is a regional political tradition, informal political institution and a factor of politicization of the nationalities problem. Observance of this balance is controlled by society and the authorities. At the same time, as the experts note, this system of political representation of ethnic groups is not perfect, there are many shortcomings in it, for instance, in the distribution of important posts between the ethnic segments of multinational communities.
Author of the abstract - Valentina Schensnovich
EMMA ASATRYAN. INTERSTATE CONFLICTS IN THE CENTRAL ASIAN REGION / / The article was specially written for the bulletin "Russia and the Moslem World."
Keywords: Interstate conflicts, water and energy resources, interethnic conflict.
Emma Asatryan,
Student,
Department of Political Science, Moscow State Linguistic University.
Annotation: The article refers to the interstate conflicts in the Central Asian region. This topic has taken the attention of orientalists, political scientists, experts in the field of conflictology of various countries for many years. Two main interstate conflicts in the region are discussed in the article: the ethnic conflict in Osh region and disputes over water and energy resources between Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The author pays special
