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the proposed methodology in planning small groups to augment the elite methodology described by Tariq Ramadan and Yusuf Qaradawi, as well as of a third opinion of the British Muslim scholar Abdul-Hakim Murad. Murad opines that the new agenda needed by American communities should not finish in Islamic liberalism as this would lead to an attenuation of faith and its resources for dealing with extremism are limited. The right approach is to return to the spirit of the tradition and quarry it for resources enabling a capacity for courteous conviviality.
The proposed methodology is a strategic tool, which may utilized by various Muslim organizations and movements as they find beneficial to their own local Muslim communities and to others, Muslim and nonMuslim. The concept of the legitimate use of small Muslim groups to benefit Muslim communities cannot be necessarily limited to western context.
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Abington, Vol.29, N 3, September 2009, p.355-367.
The abstract prepared by L. Khitrov.
Nikolay Medvedev,
doctor of political sciences (RAGS at the President
of the RF)
WHAT IMPEDES THE ETHNIC-POLITICAL STABILITY
IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS?
The two main state methods of contemporary political science and practice have been shaped to exert influence upon ethnic-confessional minorities, which as a rule are connected with the conflicts generating situation in the states with poly-ethnic composition of the population:
1. The forceful method (assimilation) is the purposeful activities of the authorities aimed at washing out ethnic-cultural peculiarities of small nations. It is the conception of cultural unification, conditionally called "melting pot".
2. The consensus method - method of "patch-work quilt" -supposes creation of the system, which takes into account the interests of ethnic-confessional groups and communities on the basis of their autonomous development with simultaneous soft integration of various political interests at the level of the federal state.
Obviously, the problem of ethnic-political tension consists not only in the sphere of legitimate or illegitimate securing the powers among federal, regional and local authorities, but also in the position of regional and federal bureaucracy, as well as in social-economic, cultural and confessional conditions of living of various ethnic groups and communities in the North Caucasus. But the question is that the model of centralization of power ("power vertical"), shaped in contemporary Russia, does not blend with the realities of political process, characterized by the multi-aspect conflict of groups of interests (ethnic-political, economic, ethnic-territorial, ethnic-confessional). "The power of force" is unable in general and more so under conditions of limited resources (economic, military resources and resources of police) to cope with functions of state governance and regulation of various spheres of public life, when poly-ethnicity and confessional ethnicity become actually the only and real opposition for the functioning Russian authorities. The question is also that it is practically impossible to involve the leaders and bearers of ethnic-confessional interests in the process of taking political decisions. Without consensus procedures of the authorities and of all ethnic-confessional groups they have to apply the only- forceful - method of reciprocal action and positioning of their interests.
It should be noted that "neither ethnicity (belonging to a certain ethnos), nor confession (denomination, belonging to certain religious confession) as such are not the reasons for a conflict. The existence of ethnic and/or confessional differences between social and political groups in principle should be the cause of the conflict. The ethnic conflicts are caused by alienation of some ethnic group from political power or, on the contrary, by concentration of power (political, economic, financial) in the hands of any ethnic group, by fears for its identity or by the intention of a state body or of a part of society to use ethnic-confessional factor in political struggle.
According to the Russian secret services, the total amount of the terrorists' profits account for more than $ 100 million. As a whole, in various forms the financial support was given to illegal armed groups from 40 countries. The main sponsors of Islamists in the North Caucasus became five countries of the Persian Gulf: Saudi Arabia, the United Arabic Emirates, Oman, Qatar and Bahrain. Among others, the following organizations rendered such financial assistance: "Brothers Muslims", "Islamic World", "Center for Struggle against Unfaithful", "Jordan Committee for Assistance to the Chechen Republic", "Lamaat-i-Islami", "Al-Haramain", "Hezb-ut-Tahrir", "Pakistani Committee of Solidarity with Chechnya" and others. Foreign minister of the government of movement "Taliban" (created by the CIA of the USA jointly with Pakistan) mullah Vakil Ahmad Mutavakil in his time admitted that while "many Muslim states rendered financial assistance and sent arms to Chechnya, but concealed it", talibs "made public declarations about their support, given to the separatists".
The financial assistance was rendered to the fighters in Dagestan and Chechnya by the representatives of the North Caucasian Diaspora in the USA (in the states New Jersey, Illinois and Maryland). The assistance was rendered through charitable, religious and educational
organizations. Over 50 pro-Islamists public non-commercial organizations were registered in the USA, which collected voluntary benefits and money donations for "financial and humanitarian assistance" to Chechnya.
Various Turkish religious organizations and foundations, enjoying official status, on the request of the leaders of the Chechen emigration, got permission from the government of Turkey for establishment of "Committee for Solidarity with Chechens of the North Caucasus".
The Trans-Caucasus has the direct border with the most painful point of Russia - Chechnya, as well as with other republics of the North Caucasus. Russia is interested very much in preventing from the territory of the Trans-Caucasus of any support (of officially sanctioned, of agreed silently or of any other), given to the forces of separatism in the North Caucasus. Therefore it is a vital need to maintain the adequate relations of Russia with Georgia and Azerbaijan, providing for efficient measures to prevent use of the territories of these states for the hostile objectives against Russia. It is difficult for Russia to ensure security and competitiveness of shipment of Caspian oil and gas, of other transportation routes without regulation of regional, ethnic and military conflicts in the Caucasus.
And much concern is being caused by the negative trends, related to the rise of religious extremism, terrorism and narcotics trade, as well as by potential conflicts, which may be the result of territorial, ethnic and social contradictions. Militarization of the region also threatens Russia. Therefore the strategy of Russia in the Trans-Caucasian direction should be closely connected with its national interests, with its urge towards preservation in the Caucasian and the Caspian regions of Russian economic presence and political influence in any forms.
On the large part of the territory of the North Caucasus the czarist, the Soviet and the Russian laws always functioned in specific forms and were observed, if in principle they did not contradict the norms of common law (adats). The leading political role always belonged to the first person of the national-territorial entity, although the leaders of former autonomies never came against the directions of the Center. The relatives, national, clan, kunak, tape connections prevailed in the organs of governance. The priority in development was always given to the main cities, while rural districts with the majority of the population were ignored. Therefore the specific economic models of the Caucasian republics in new time demanded great investments from the federal budget. It was the result of the general depression in industrial, agricultural and tourist sectors. The difficulties were aggravated by the high birth rate, unemployment, while former "shadow employment", which alleviated difficulties in the past, transformed into organized criminality, creating "jobs" mainly outside the region.
The deep-rooted destitution and low level development of society facilitated there, unlike other Russian regions, development of small-scale corruption, which affected not only the authorities but also became the way of life for the population of the North Caucasian republics.
The proclaimed by new Russia democratic principle of equality of citizens, as well as the new election system, the new state national policy, leveling ethnic peculiarities of territories and living there citizens, first of all, had an impact on indigenous peoples of the Caucasus and small aboriginal ethnoses, which lost the guaranteed representation in organs of the power, the chance by quota to study in higher and high special educational institutions of Russia etc. These circumstances became the reason of emergence of many small
nationalist organizations, protecting their national-ethnic interests and more often than not coming out as an opposition to the authorities.
The principal wealth of the Caucasus - land - became the apple of discord in the sphere of inter-national conflicts not only due to the return to the age-old lands of the deported peoples' descendants but also because these lands became the plots subject to free buying and selling. The development of market relations in the land ownership results in ousting from traditional settlements of representatives of national minorities (not only small nationalities but also Russians, mainly Cossacks) in the North Caucasian republics. The frequent reshaping of the borders in the North Caucasus during the czarist, the Soviet and the new times finally muddled up the situation, i.e. belonging of the territories to one or other subject of the Russian Federation (in the South Federal District). This situation became the reason of their reciprocal territorial claims, which caused, in turn, international and territorial conflicts.
Some other most urgent problems of the North Caucasus may be also be mentioned: a great number of refugees and forced migrants, the uncontrolled migration processes, leading to aggravation of international relations; the accelerated Islamization and dissemination of radical trends of Islam (wahhabism); the problem of separated peoples; the local conflicts in bordering Trans-Caucasian states; the activities of a number of ethnic-national regional and international organizations, having a negative impact on shaping public-political feelings of peoples in the North Caucasus; obviously, the smoldering military conflict in the Chechen Republic.
Nevertheless, the main feature of the situation in the Caucasus consists in the moderate pro-Russian position of the political elite and the majority of the population in the Caucasian republics. Despite numerous claims to the Center, they do not perceive their territories'
destiny outside Russia, outside the common political, legal and cultural space. And the example of Chechnya does not cause a great urge towards imitation of it. The factor of ethnic territory acquired a special urgency in contemporary circumstances for the process of the internal political development in the region. The borders, fixed in the Soviet times, are strictly guarded, having become an attribute of ethnic self-identification and, consequently, the reason of probable inter-ethnic conflict in the region as a whole.
Each subject of the Russian Federation in the SFD has its territorial claims to its neighbors: the Republic of Ingushetia claims for the Prigorodny district of the North Ossetia. Up to the present time, the Prigorodny district is mentioned as an administrative-territorial entity in the constitution of the republic in the article about administrative-territorial composition. The constant discussions go on about demarcation of borders of Dagestan, Stavropol kray. The Cossacks claim for two districts of the Chechen Republic (Shelkovsky and Naursky, which formerly belonged to Stavropol kray). The borders have not been finally regulated between the Republic of Ingushetia and the Chechen Republic, between Chechnya and Dagestan there appear from time to time land disputes in mountainous district for the choice of pastures for cattle. The fighters assault from Chechnya to Dagestan was caused by their intention to annex and to add to Chechnya the territories of joint settlement of the repressed Chechen-Akins and the deported peoples of Dagestan (Avars, Dargins, Laks, Kumyks, Lezgins, Nogai). For several years the leadership of Astrakhan region made claims for some districts of Kalmykia. Kalmykia claims for some lands in Dagestan. Some political forces in Krasnodar kray insist that Republic of Adygeya should join the territory of kray. The problems of Nogais, Lezgins, Ossetians, divided by the borders of different state entities, tend to aggravate. Particularly acute is the problem of divided peoples
in South Ossetia due to the Ossetian-Georgian military conflict. The Cherkessian ultra-nationalists nurture plans of creating "Great Adygeya", a federal state, opposing Russia and including Kabarda, Cherkessia, Adygeya, Abghazia and other territories, populated by peoples of the Adyg group.
In turn, the national elites' very negative reaction was caused by the idea of creation of provinces in Russia, for instance, of creating within the SFD two provinces: Black Sea province, including Krasnodar kray, Adygeya and Karachaevo-Cherkessia, and North Caucasus province with the center in Stavropol, including Stavropol kray, Dagestan, Republic of Ingushetia, Chechen Republic and Republic of North Ossetia - Alania.
T. Dzhabrailov, the head of the State Council of Chechnya, made the proposal to unite the republics of the North Caucasus in one kray with the capital in Vladikavkaz. In the past time, Kavkaz kray, consisting of six provinces, existed as a united entity within the Russian Empire till 1917. The territories of the Trans-Caucasus also were included in Kavkaz kray. After the end of the civil war in January 1921 the Bolshevik government approved creation of Gorskaya (Mountainous) republic. But it disintegrated already in September of the same year: Kabardins were the first to leave it, and they were followed by Balkars, Karachais, Cherkessians and Chechens. In July 1924, Ingushetia and Ossetia stepped out of it. The common capital Vladikavkaz was left under "central subordination", while Gorskaya republic was liquidated. At present, the question is actually about this Gorskaya republic, which existed for a short time. This proposal was provoked by the territorial disputes among the North Caucasian subjects of the Russian Federation. As an interim option, Ingushetia and Chechnya were proposed to be united into one entity.
Thus, the main reasons of negative development of ethnic-political situation in the North Caucasus are as follows:
- the subversive activities of separatists aimed at provoking inter-ethnic conflicts;
- the rising ethnic separation of the title nations under the cover of building their own statehood and self-determination of peoples;
- the change of the traditional inter-ethnic balance in the republics of the North Caucasus (in power structures, in business, in national-ethnic composition of the population) due to the outflow of Russian speaking citizens for the benefit of the title nation; hence, aggravation of the tension in relations with other Caucasian peoples, making numerical minority;
- the lack of thoroughly elaborated federal national policy in the North Caucasus;
- the unstable political and social situation in the region;
- the uncontrolled migration processes and related criminalization of some ethnic Diaspora;
- the corruption, theft and squandering of the state means by organs of local self-government and the state power;
- the incidental type of measures, taken the state bodies and organs of local self-government for counteractions against extremism on the ethnic basis;
- the high level of unemployment and, consequently, low level of living of the population as a nutrient environment for shaping crisis' inter-ethnic processes in the region.
The poly-confessional composition of the population has a certain impact on the internal political situation in the North Caucasus, where the peoples profess Christianity, Islam, Judaism, which are often interconnected with traditional pagan beliefs. The Russian population, including Cossacks, some Ossetians, Kabardins of Mozdok and a small
group of Karachais confine themselves to Orthodoxy. A small part of Cossacks sticks to Old Belief. Since Soviet times, in the North Caucasus some Russians, a small group of Karachais adhere to Protestantism, mainly Baptism. Armenians of the North Caucasus traditionally are monophysites, who adhere to Armenian-Gregorian Church. The mountainous Jews and a part of Tats are Judaists.
The complexity of religious situation is determined first of all by the fact that the region is the buffer between Europe and Asia, the border between the Christian and the Muslim civilizations. At the same time, the traditional organization structures of these two confessions are subject to the constant pressure on the part of adepts of radical religious trends within these religions.
In this respect, the most revealing is the situation of Islamic confession, which is characterized by the split between adepts of traditional "people's Islam" and followers of mazhab-hanbalits, more precisely, of its wing - wahhabies, or salafits. The extremist wahhaby organizations, connected with the underground military bands in Chechnya and coordinated by the united center for the role of the power regional structures; the network of the so-called "fighting jamaats" exists throughout the North Caucasus as a whole. Hattab started to shape it. He created on the territory of Chechnya the so-called institute "Kavkaz", where the youth from neighboring republics mastered basics of wahhabism and was trained for waging the terrorist war as shotfirers.
At present, these jamaats are concentrated in Dagestan, Chechnya and Ingushetia. Others exist in Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachaevo-Cherkessia. The fighting jamaat ("Nogai battalion") exists in Neftekum district of Stavropol kray.
Thus, the analysis of Russia' policy in the Caucasus for the period of several centuries as well as of the contemporary practice of realization of national-state interests and security of the Russian
Federation demonstrates that the North Caucasus is the sphere of vital significant interests of Russia, being the buffer zone, hindering dissemination to its territory of negative factors and events, such as inter-confessional and inter-national conflicts, export of narcotics, arms, smuggling etc. The main role and significance of the North Caucasian region for the Russian state consists exactly in this sphere. However, the Caucasus may not belong or be a part of the state, which is weakened politically and is subject to systemic public-political and economic crises. Since this region itself has a conflicting potential, it will logically strengthen and disperse its own political and economic crises to other regions of Russia. Hence, this circumstance supposes the need to elaborate and to realize its efficient state policy, aimed at ensuring constitutional legality and legal order in the North Caucasian region, security of citizens, state and public institutions, liquidation and exclusion of escalation of crises based on inter-ethnic and inter-confessional basis, irrespective of any plausible pretext.
"Politicheskaya regionalistika i etnopolitika", M., 2010, p. 5-14.
Z. Ashimova,
candidate of sciences (economy) (Kazakhstan) KAZAKHSTAN IN THE SYSTEM OF INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN CENTRAL ASIA
Five sovereign states were established at the territory of Central Asia within the bounds of the former Union Republics after the USSR dissolution - Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Any of them has never existed independently. The republics of the region are united with public education, science, culture and administrative governance inherited from the USSR. They
