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stratification grows, various groups, government and private corporations, companies and clans offer their own, sometimes diametrically opposed variants of foreign-policy orientations. And this process will go on. Of course, foreign policy in major fields will continue to be determined, as before, by Vladimir Putin, and realized by the existing bureaucratic apparatus in the foreseeable future, but further on it will increasingly become a subject of acute struggle of interests and ideologies.
It is too early to make conclusions as to what Russian foreign policy will be during the third term of Putin's presidency. The conditions change rapidly and sometimes quite unpredictably. However, it is already possible to state that the geopolitical trends will be directed toward Eurasia and the Asia-Pacific region. Russia will continue to distance itself from the United States and the European Union. And the fourth variant of Putin's foreign policy will, probably, essentially differ from the three preceding ones.
"Rossiya v globalnoi politike", vol. 11, special issue, 2013, Moscow.
Elvira Maiboroda,
Ph. D. (Philosophy), Institute of Socio-economic and Humanitarian Research, Southern Scientific Center of Russian Academy of Sciences WAYS AND METHODS OF DEPOLITICIZATION OF ETHNICITY IN THE SOUTH OF RUSSIA
Among the phenomena which have considerably influenced ethnopolitical processes in the North Caucasus it is necessary to single out those of depoliticization and repoliticization of ethnicity, which replaced each other throughout the entire post-Soviet period. A new
wave of the politicization of ethnicity in the middle and latter half of the first decade of this century has stepped up disintegration tendencies in society and increased the danger of conflicts. In the spring and summer of 2004 an escalation of conflict processes began in the South of Russia. In these circumstances the problem of interaction of ethnic and political processes acquired a special importance in the global and specific conditions of the post-Soviet area, especially in the regions with sharply pronounced ethnonational institutionalization.
The growing interest in the problem of ethnicity and ethnic relations can be explained by the rapid increase in the number of ethnic conflicts in the post-communist world and some other parts of the planet. Besides, the disappearance of the threat of a world nuclear war has given an additional impetus to the study of less important global processes, yet playing a major role in the life of millions of people. Beginning from the 1960s - 1970s there have been growing trends to preserve peoples' originality and emphasize the unique character of their culture and psychological make-up. Millions of people in many countries of different type on all continents have loudly proclaimed and vividly displayed their ethnic identity. At first this phenomenon was called the "ethnic paradox of modern epoch."
This ethnic paradox was a result of the politicization of ethnicity and contradictory socio-cultural phenomenon, whose essence lay in reviving interest in ethnic history, traditions, the language, and specific features of culture and everyday life against the backdrop of the deepening internationalization of all aspects of public life. Ethnicity in the latter half of the first decade of this century became more pronounced in the entire post-Soviet area and on a global scale. Conflicts with a vividly expressed ethnic component take place in regions where they were not expected, and therefore the authorities and public are unprepared for them. In this connection it is necessary to
choose an optimal paradigm of managing the ethnopolitical processes (or create a new paradigm) and search for methods to overcome conflict situations. One of such conflict-prone factors in the South of Russia is ethnic ideology formed on the basis of national self-consciousness and realization of the self-value of a definite ethnic community. Research reveals that ethnic ideology begins with the knowledge about the processes which interest the given community. From the point of view of ethnic ideology, this is not simply knowledge without which its existence is unthinkable; this is the axiological knowledge oriented to the interests of the given ethnic community. Religious values exert a powerful influence on the essence of ethnic ideology. Apart from that, ethnic ideology, along with values, contains closely intertwined feelings and expectations of ethnic community. Thus, ethnic ideology is an important factor of ethnic identification, a form of ethnic self-consciousness and a means of integration of members of some one ethnos in a single viable entity, on the one hand. And on the other, ethnic ideology incorporates ideas which imbibe in the process of politicization ethnocratic motives and aspirations from national consciousness and ethnic self-consciousness. As a result, ethnic ideology inevitably turned into a powerful incentive to conflict and serves as a good foundation for emergence of interethnic conflicts and tension. Besides, ethnic narrow-mindedness, ethnocentrism and even ethnophobia emerge in mass ethnic consciousness, which exacerbates interethnic relations.
The present-day cycle of the repoliticization of ethnicity began after the tragic events of the spring - autumn of 2004 (a series of terrorist acts, which began with the assassination of the President of the Chechen Republic Akhmad Kadyrov, and the peak of them was the Beslan tragedy in September). The repoliticization process of ethnicity continued in 2005 - 2007 and showed that the period of relative
depoliticization of ethnicity came to an end. At the time a whole range of conflict factors came into being. Among them were the high level of the population's preparedness for organized protest actions, militarization of the region connected with a great number of arms in possession of a considerable part of the population, growing disproportion of the financial and economic development of the regions of the unified Southern federal region, growing socio-economic inequality of territorial units in the region, provocative policy of the leadership of Georgia, etc. Certain experts were worried over the position of young people in the South of Russia. They noted that economic stagnation forced young people to leave the region or join criminal groups and militant units. Besides, the aggressive and nearsighted policy of the federal center and regional authorities toward the Wahhabi followers has resulted in this religious current going underground. This evoked sympathy of some young people for Wahhabis, which enhanced the conflict potential in the region.
In the conditions of repoliticization of ethnicity conflicts with vividly pronounced ethnic component take place even in those regions of the country where they have never been expected. As to the South of Russia, there have long been ethnopolitical processes and problems. Local interethnic conflicts are distinguished by the composition of subjects, that is, municipal administrations, representatives of the local special services and formal and informal ethnic associations. Another political subject has joined political activity, that is, various national public and political organizations and associations which put forward the idea of protecting the interests not of their republics in relation to the federal center, but ethnic groups, big and small. Playing the "ethnic card" was connected with unequal real opportunities in the sphere of realization of socio-economic rights (especially the right to land) and
attempts to ensure greater opportunities, even preferences, by political means.
Originally, such conflicts have not commanded much attention, especially against the background of big regional conflicts accompanied with cases of mass violence and even military hostilities. These conflicts remained unknown beyond the boundaries of their region.
Tension is growing in interethnic relations in the South of Russia. The process of the repoliticization of ethnicity is characterized, among other things, by the popularization of the idea of "historical priority." In the early 1990s works became popular among the national intellectual circles in the South of Russia, in which the "historical right" of one or another ethnos to possess and dispose of the natural and economic resources on the territory of its habitation were substantiated. This "right" was confirmed, above all, by "historical references" to the effect that it was precisely these people who are the most ancient, the progenitor of "Caucasian civilization," and therefore "historical justice" demands that their "grandfather rights" lost as a result of the expansion of Russia or neighboring peoples be restored.
The politicization of ethnicity expressed in the ideology of "historical priority" exerts a great influence on ethnic identification, especially of the younger generation, and provokes national tension and interethnic clashes. Such processes are the breeding ground for the development of nationalism aimed at secession from the Russian Federation and creation of a national state which, in the view of radical elements, is the only means to restore national and cultural identity. Such views and ideology contribute to the growing popularity of separatist ideas and will make it possible to "restore historical justice" and justify the territorial and economic claims of national-separatists.
The ruling elites of the North Caucasian republics share these views. Experts note that an original local geopolitical model of interethnic relations based on ambiguous cultural-historical priorities is being formed in the region, which substantiates their economic and ethnopolitical claims. All this contributes to the emergence of such socio-economic and ethnopolitical medium, in which national-separatism gains considerable public support.
Certain experts maintain that dissemination of such concepts as "indigenous" and "titular" ethnic groups contributes to the politicization of ethnicity and growth of tension, playing into the hands of the ethnocratic forces in the country. Ethnic ideology in its extreme forms is used by radical and nationalist forces to their advantage.
The strengthening of the vertical of federal power and incentives to the economic development of the regions with due account of the country's specific features facilitate depoliticization of ethnicity. The end of the 1990s was characterized by such processes as a definite depoliticization of ethnicity, which was supported by a certain politicization of the religious (Islamic) factor. Nevertheless, it was regarded as a sign of the ethnic conflict process and ethnopolitical crisis in the region drawing to a close. However, in the first decade of this century local conflicts flared up with renewed force and reached a regional level. The process of repoliticization of ethnicity began. This process is characterized by the active inclusion of the confessional factor in the ethnopolitical processes in the region.
Characterizing the political process in the North Caucasus during the past decade it can safely be said that the distribution of the potential of state power in the political realm of the regions was sufficiently unequal. Due to this, official leaders at the regional level concentrated their efforts mainly on intraregional activity, whereas the activity at interrepublican and interregional levels aimed at integration in the
uniform Russian political and economic realm was viewed as something hostile. This situation created conditions for the destabilization of interethnic and interconfessional relations, growing ethnophobia and hostility toward other peoples. The main reason for failures of the attempts to bolster up the vertical of federal power in the regions is the absence of the coherent concept of the model and principles of the construction of the Russian state. Will the Russian state preserve its traditional poly-ethnic structure, or will the forces striving to destroy the country gain the upper hand? The future of Russia is at stake.
The new strategy of creating several vast macroregions out of several parts of the Russian Federation is one of the attempts to strengthen the vertical of power in the regions. Its main aim is to make the big state more manageable and mobile. However, without due account of ethnic, economic and social factors this attempt is doomed to failure. The present reform should consider the Russian ethnocultural landscape. The structural absorption of titular ethnic subjects, if with a good aim of socio-economic development, will mean the actual disappearance of the so-called second-rate ethnic groups from the map of the Russian Federation. If this touches not only small autochthonous ethnic groups, but also large ethnic communities, we shall not be able to avoid the country's disintegration. Russia is unthinkable as a mononational state. Russia as a nation is a combination of horizontal and vertical integration, where our community as a nation is more important than all socio-cultural and phenotypic differences. However, the construction of a single nation at the present time is hardly possible without the strengthening of general state and general national institutions ensuring law and order in society. But on the road to this there is another trap, namely, the threat of semi-democracy becoming non-democracy. The economic stability of the regions is of great
importance in the depoliticization process of ethnicity. An economic slump in the North Caucasian republics has contributed to the escalation of interethnic tension and disintegration of the economic and political area. The reasons for these processes lie in that economic and political ties between the republics of the former U.S.S.R. were severed after their gaining independence in the early 1990s, which had an adverse effect on the national economies of all these newly-formed states.
The growing dynamics of conflicts in the South of Russia blocked not only the interregional economy, but also foreign economic relations, which had a negative impact on the trade and economic cooperation of the countries of the Caucasian region. Thus, the improvement of the economic condition of the regions should make a positive contribution to depoliticization of ethnicity and the strengthening of the vertical of power. However, planning and implementation of economic development at a regional level could prove effective provided the regional specific conditions are taken into account on the basis of a systemic approach to all socio-political factors of the given regional subject. Primarily, it is necessary to pay attention to such factors leveling the extremist ethnic component as the investment case and competitiveness of the region. Successful planning and realization of economic development at a regional level is one of the aims of an effective regional management of conflicts. The essence of such regional management lies in prevention of socio-economic risks and creation of a positive political and economic image of the given region on a countrywide and global scale. This is of special importance for the poly-ethnic North Caucasian Federal region which is distinguished by socio-cultural homogeneity and at the same time a well-pronounced ethno-cultural diversity. A positive, attractive image of the North Caucasus is very important in the system of socio-political
relations of Russia, which has time and again been noted by the first persons of the political establishment of Russian society. The region should be presented to both entire Russia and the world as a territory of security, prosperity and social prospects. Consequently, the regional conflict-management should be an inalienable part of the strategy of the region's socio-economic development.
An important element of the image of the region is regional brand. It is connected with the goods and services produced and offered in the region. But at present, due to the absence of a proper conflict-management the North Caucasian Federal region is associated in mass consciousness not with investment case, but with a place politically and socially unstable, and on the whole is assessed quite negatively.
One of the dominant features of conflict-management related to the Caucasian region is a declaration that the Caucasus and Caucasian people are not "elements" alien to the Russian community, but, on the contrary, part of the Russian legal, political, economic and cultural area. The North Caucasus is a territory historically inhabited by Russians, Cossacks, indigenous Caucasian people, diasporas of the CIS and Baltic countries, as well as diasporas of foreign states. However, the objective processes of cooperation between peoples result in greater competition in the spheres of employment and property, and it is still more acute in business, entrepreneurship, services and trade.
Each region is represented in mass consciousness by an image with unique characteristics. This enables public figures, businessmen administration officials, market experts, journalists, etc. to adopt some or other decisions at critical moments very rapidly. The territory of the North Caucasian Federal region is unique in its historical heritage, geographical situation, and significance of the economic, political and humanitarian processes going on there. Its competitive advantages depend on the presence and use of competitive resources. Attractive
investment resources of the region can be used for creating competitive advantages of the territory, but it will largely depend on the successes in prevention of conflicts with a socio-economic basis. The development of the economic sector of the region, reduction in the number of the unemployed, higher living standards of the population (which will greatly diminish social and interethnic tension), control over the information aspect creating a positive image of the region -such are basic components of the regional conflict-management, along with the adequate system of legal regulation of interethnic tension in the North Caucasian Federal region.
So far the formation of regional ideologies in the South of Russia has been of a spontaneous character, or is a free ideological creative work of the political elites dominating in the region. At present regional ideologies in the South of Russia play an important role in the self-identification and self-organization of the territorial community, including the elite, in its interaction with the population and the federal center. Inasmcuh as there are real risks of the destabilization of the ethnopolitical and economic situation in this region of Russia, so important geopolitically and economically, it is necessary to improve and widely use a sound anti-conflict management.
"Problemy sotsiualno-ekonomicheskogo i etnopoliticheskogo razvitiya yuzhnogo makroregiona", Rostov-on-Don, 2012, pp. 137-146.
