CC BY
142
UDC 94(34):94(38).08
Skupniewicz P. N.
SOME REMARKS ON THE ELEMENTS OF INFANTRY PROTECTIVE GEAR IN ART OF GANDHARA: AN EVIDENCE FOR SURVIVAL OF HELLENISTIC MILITARY TRADITION?
The article discusses one type of armored depictions of specific type of armament of infantry warriors in the art of Gandhara of Kushan Age. The warriors are depicted in local mutation of Hellenistic hypaspist kit, including pteryges and corselet covered either with rhombs or scale pattern. This may point to conclusion that Skanda, often depicted in discusses kit, as a bastard but powerful god was associated to Greek population which itself was out of Varna system.
Key words: Skanda, Kartikkeya, India, Gandhara, hypaspist, hoplite, armour, Hellenism, arms, armour.
Among Gandhara art pieces, a group of depictions of the warriors wearing armour protecting their torsos in the form of rhombuses and scales1 is particularly noteworthy
1 Agrawala R. C. Skanda-Sasthi in Gandharan Reliefs? A Review // East and West. 1995. Vol. 45. № 1/4. P. 329-332; Agrawala R.C. Skanda with Cock and Peacock // Eastern Approaches. Essays on Asian Art and Archaeology/ Ed. by T. S. Maxwell. Delhi, 1992. P. 130-132; Facenna D., Filigenzi A. Repertory of Terms for Cataloguing Gandharan Sculptures. Rome, 2007. P. 171-173; Mann R. Parthian and Hellenistic Influences on the Development of Skanda's Cult in North India: Evidence from Kusana-Era Art and Coins // Bulletin of the Asia Institute. New Series. 2001. Vol. 15. P. 111-128; Srinivassan D. M. Skanda/Kartikkeya in the Early Art of Northwest // Silk Road Art and Archaeology. 1997-1998. Vol. 5. P. 233-268; Southworth K. Skanda in Gandhara. A Hindu God in Buddhist Environment? // South Asian Archaeology and Art. 2014. Vol. 1. P. 71-76. Trousdale W. Long Sword and Scabbard-Slide in Asia. Washington (DC), 1975. P. 74-85; Горелик М. В. Кушанский доспех // Древняя Индия. Историко-культурные связи. М., 1982. С. 82-112; Носов K C. Традиционное оружие Индии. М., 2011. С. 116-117.
(see table A). They sometimes have a rhombus-covered "corselet" or a short tunic on, sometimes with a flat disc on their midsection affixed on suspenders, an element which can be compared to the Italic cardiophylax, Sasanian apezak or discoid protection used in Assyrian armies2. The thighs of the warriors are covered by dhoti protected by a pteryges in most cases. They have heavy sandals on their feet. Usually they wear the turbans or scale helmets, occasionally having their head protected with specific Oriental post-Hellenistic type of helmet with raised brims3. Sometimes they are depicted holding wielding the round shields with diameter corresponding to the length of their torsos. From time to time, in place of shield, appears a reflexive bow sometimes hanging across the chest of the figure. The statues of single warriors kitted this way have their right hands holding the spears with the shafts of exaggerated thickness with length slightly exceeding personage's height, and the large heads. The left hands of the personages are usually bent, sometimes holding a bird — a cockerel or a peacock, an attribute (va-hana) of a war deity Skanda-Kartikkeya who was usually depicted in Indian art as a warrior with a large headed spear, wearing only dhoti.
A similar type of depictions and the main attribute in the form of a heavy spear with a shaft of exaggerated width, or a bird in one hand, Skanda's attribute, allow to identify both types as the same, even if the "Classically-
2 Metal discs on the chest had not only a practical meaning but also, perhaps most importantly, a symbolic one. In China they kept their function of indicating rank long after they became obsolete combat-wise. Similarly discs, or "mirrors" supplemented Tibetan scale armours in the beginning of the 20th century still (Robinson H. R. Oriental Armour. N.Y., 1967. P. 3642, 103-110, 164; Khorasani M. M. Lexicon of Arms and Armor from Iran. A Study of Symbols and Terminology. Tubingen, 2010. P. 133; Warriors of the Himalayas. Rediscovering the Arms and Armor of Tibet / Ed. by D. J. LaRocca. N.Y., 2006; М. В. Горелик Кушанский доспех. С. 82-112.
3 In the case of warriors or hunters, accompanying scenes of Buddha's life there are more types of helmets to be found, but they only fail to appear in Skanda's iconography (Горелик М. В. Кушанский доспех. С. 82-112; Носов K. C. Указ. соч. С. 116-117; Facenna D., Filigenzi A. Op. cit. P. 171-173).
Indian" form shows the deity without an armour or shield. It is worth mentioning that in the later Mahayana tradition, bodhisattva Skanda was depicted as an armoured figure. It can be assumed, then, that the issue of a lack of armour in iconography could have stemmed from Indian tradition of unarmoured warrior depictions, which may have originated from local military tradition. This claim begs the question of the origin of the "armoured Skanda" type and the possible semantic function of both iconographic formulas. None of the personages kitted this way had been depicted mounted or in any direct association with the horses. They might accompany the scenes of the Great Departure where Buddha is shown on the horse but none of the warriors of discussed type is a rider himself. Therefore it justified to assume that the described type of armament belongs to infantry. It must be stated here that the corselet with the fish-scale or rhomb pattern with pteryges is not the only way in which armoured infantry warriors are depicted in the art of Gandhara however it is the most common one4. The scale armoured coats reaching below knees and segmented forms of body protection will not be included in the current study as they most likely do not derive from Greek origins. Full scale coat seems related with the Indo-Scythian cavalry armours depicted on the coins of Indo-Saka kings and must be of Central Asian/ Steppe origin (see table B)5.
The segmented armour appears extremely rare and might visually refer to Roman legionary "lorica segmentata/
4 This short, simplified typology is driven by the images and varies from thorough technical typology proposed by Gorelik (Горелик М. В. Кушан-ский доспех, C. 83-95), it must be pointed out that the categories drawn by the Russian scholar were concerned with the modes of construction of the armours hence the details of the analyze of visual material was not revealed. Also, the objective of Gorelik's typology was technical description which is different from the current text which attempts to identify the origin and function of a particular type of armour.
5 Горелик М. В. Кушанский доспех; он же. Защитное вооружение степной зоны Евразии и примыкающих к ней территорий в I тыс. н. э. // Военное дело населения юга Сибири и Дальнего Востока. Новосибирск, 1993. С. 149-179.
laminata" or the protective dress of the Roman chariot racers (see table C). Naturally the relation to Asian or nomadic segmented protective equipment cannot be excluded however in none of the cases we can find Hellenistic tradition, also segmented armours of Western Asia in antiquity are univocally attributed to heavy cavalry. The latter possibility seems less plausible considering the look of the Gandharan armours and the fact that they are worn by the hunters meeting Buddha and not by the warriors which shows that the roles of warriors and hunters are to some extent interchangeable in Gandharan iconography. It cannot be excluded that the clearly visible belts on the torsos might represent some layers of textiles or robes however it does not seem plausible as the pattern is reserved for armed personages and occasionally accompanies the scale or rhomb pattern.
The armour consisting of several plain elements protecting belly and accompanied by separate chest covers often covered with scales will be mentioned only in sake of comparison as a type adopted into Skanda-Kartikkeya iconography (see table D). Although this type of armour definitely seems associated with the local developments of Greek muscle cuirass, it appeared mainly in cavalry context and its full development is dated for post-Kushan times7.
An undisputable determination of the meaning of the grid covering the torsos of Skanda figures seems impossible. A quilted armour or sharp, triangular scales which form the pattern interlocking rhombuses can be considered. The former option is supported by semicircular tipped scales found
6 This term, although modern, is widely recognized and is used here as an approximation.
7 Jäger U. Der griechisch-hellenistische Muskelpanzer und sein Fortleben in Zentralasien, 4. Jh. v. Chr. bis 8./9. Jh. n. Chr.: Ein kurzer Beitrag zum rüstungstechnologischen Nachleben des Hellenismus in Zentralasien // Arms and Armours as Indicators of Cultural Transfer / Ed. by M. Mode, J. Tubach. Halle, 2006. P. 19-42; Skupniewicz P. Sasanian Plate Armour // Fasciculi Archaeologiae Historicae. 2006. Fasc. 19. S. 19-33; Skupniewicz P. The Iconorgaphic Function of Armor in Sasanian Art // Rivista degli Stu-di Orientali. 2015. P. 235-265.
in Gandhara art and Ajanta paintings, suggesting therefore that local masters had no need to simplify the image. Also when it comes to the rhombs-covered corselets the images do not show them being raised one on top of another in places where the surface bents or twists, the rhombuses are often deformed in such occasions, suggesting their relative flexibility. On the other hand the rhombi are drawn sharply with relatively deep cuts suggesting more pronounced division than just mere stich of the quilted textile. It must be borne in mind however, that we are dealing with relatively small depictions, so this argument can hardly be seen as definitive.
A similar, rhombus-patterned torso protection was worn by the figure of a solar deity on a painting from Fon-dukistan dated at 6th to 7th century CE (see table E, ill. 1), where the rhombuses were divided vertically into two colour-differentiated triangles8. It seems that one can talk of continuing the tradition of armour on the former Kushan empire territory. Unfortunately the Fondukistan painting also does not lead to a definitive conclusion. One may noticed a stitched, shiny, silky surface or a scale cuirass with a rib in the middle.
The simultaneous appearance of semicircular scales in similar depictions may indicate that it was the intention of the sculptors to show a similar sort of armour. Sharp, triangularly finished scales are not unheard of in military history, but they are also not common. Their arrangement creates a pattern of rhombuses. In popular opinion, the scales, or more generally, any metal armour, is a more noble, better form than any stitched types. While the depictions of soldiers in scenes of Buddha's life one may allow certain dose of realism in depicting cheaper forms of armour, iconography of a war deity required the very best, with no compromise. It seems, however, that it is an anachronistic point of view, deeply rooted in European modern tradition and incompatible with ancient reality9. Although the symbolic role
8 Trousdale W. Op. cit. P. 84.
9 It must be borne in mind that high commander figures in modern Euro-
71
of metal cuirasses made out of one sheet (often in the shape of a muscular torso) with symbolic connotations, emphasizing highest military functions and elite social standing seems indisputable10, this is less obvious with reference to scale, lamellar or mail armours11. It seems that semicircular scales could produce certain semantic associations, which resulted in their aesthetic attractiveness throughout the ages, nevertheless there is no clear definition of the possible meaning of them, and the preference could have simply been decorative and traditional. It must therefore be stated that aside from the cuirass, especially the muscular cuirass, scale/lammellar armours or chain-mail did not have an inherent "symbolic advantage" over organic ones. Firstly, they were made out of different raw materials, including organic ones (horn or leather scales and lamellae were commonly attested among various cultures), and their construction was not reserved for metal. Secondly, organic armours were worn by commanding staff as well, including Alexander the Great12. Quilted armours were attested by early Indian literature13. The sight of metal plates covering fragments of a human silhouette did not have undoubtedly positive connotations. The shine of metal was appreciated, but the sight of expensive fabrics
pean art are shown in plate armour, which was a reference to the knightly ethos, long after discontinuing their use in the battlefield.
10 Jäger U. Op. cit. P. 19-42; Kantorowicz E. H. Gods in Uniforms // Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 1961. Vol. 105/4. P. 368-393; Skupniewicz P. Sasanian Plate Armour. P. 19-33; Skupniewicz P. The Iconor-gaphic Function of Armor in Sasanian Art. P. 235-265.
11 It must be added here that in history of arms, the term "scale" refers to the construction of armour by attaching hard protective plates to an elastic base. The armour made by affixing the plates between themselves is usually named as lamellar even if the rounded edges make impression of fish-scale.
12 It is worth noting that during his Indian campaigns, Alexander ordered burning worn armour, which meant they must have been organic, probably linen. Aldrete G. S., Bartell S., Alderete A. Reconstructing Ancient Linen Body Armor. Baltimore, 2013. P. 11-22.
13 Chakravarati P.C. The Art of War in Ancient India. Delhi, 1941 (2003 reptint). P. 177; Jaiwanat Paul E. Arms and Armour. Traditional Weapons of India. Delhi, 2006. P. 103-105.
was at least equally desired, for example, at the parade in Daphne where soldiers were given purple tunics to cover their armour, the remark made by by Plutarch about taking off textile covers of Surena cataphracts' armours shows the custom of covering metal protective gear. It is hard to say whether the taking off of these covers before battle was done due to practical reasons (because of the heat), or leaving the valuable fabrics in a safe place, after having shown the enemy the full lavish attire already. Wearing fabrics on armours was known in Sogdian, Central Asian, Islamic iconography, and made its way into medieval Europe; covering parts of armour was also known in medieval Japan. It suffices to say that the flamboyant fabric surpassed the metal covers visually. At the same time its protective properties were not necessarily inferior to metal armours which means rich armour of organic material could be applied to iconography of the war deity like Skanda.
Another possibility must be also considered: an armour connecting metal elements covered under organic layers. This sort of solution is known in Europe in the Medieval and modern periods, and hugely popular in the Islamic world. In pre-modern India, the "thousand-stud armour", chihal'ta hazar masha, often decorated with a rhombic or elongated hexagon pattern14. This armour seems related, generally, speaking, to the Islamic kazaghand, which combined a mail with layers of fabric15. These solutions from different
14 Chakravarati P. C. Op. cit P.108-110; Robinson H. R. Op. cit. P. 99-104; Носов K. C. Указ. соч. С. 108-140.
15 Chakravarati P. C. Op. cit P. 104-108; Robinson H. R. Op. cit. P. 77, 220; Khorasani M. M. Op. cit. P. 298-299; Kubik L. A. Przedstawienie irañskich koñskich pancerzy w azerbejdzañskim romansie Varqa i Gulshah z po-czeitku 13 wieku. O sasanidzkiej? genezie elementu koñskiego oporz^dze-nia w okresie seldzuckim // Historia i Swiat. 2014. № 3. S. 61-71; Meliki-an-Chirvani A. S. The Westward Journey of the Kazhagand // Journal of the Armsand Armour Society. 1983. Vol. 11. P. 8-35; idem. Bargostván // Encyclopaedia Iranica. On-line edition, available at: http://www.iranica-online.org/articles/bargostvan-armor-specifically-horse-armjr-a-distinct ive-feature-of-iranian-warfare-from-very-early-times-on (1988); Skupnie-wicz P. The Iconorgaphic Function of Armor in Sasanian Art. P. 265-267.
eras may be connected to the iconography of post-Hellenic Gandhara via Sarmatian findings of Vozdvizhensk kurgan where chainmail was found sandwiched in between textile layers16. It is also noteworthy that a piece of mail sticks out from under the torso-covering armour, covered by a rhombus pattern as seen in the painting from Fondukistan (see table E, ill. 1). Elements of scale or mail armour seen under tunics of figures in late Sasanian art can also be connected to a stage of protective armour advancement, which resulted in the development of chihal'ta hazar masha and kazaghand. It must be noted that this type of solution were mostly popular in military settings, where bows were often used in armour and layers of fabric absorbed the energy of arrows17.
It is unacceptable to claim that the depictions of Skan-da-Kartikkeya are wearing a cheaper or inferior form of armour. Regardless of whether we are dealing with scales, a textile armour or the combination of a lavish fabric and an inner scale layer18, the deity has torso armour with plenty of protection and splendour.
Similarly, the lack of depictions of Skanda-Karttikeya in a helmet and rarity of the helmets among infantry of the discussed type in other occasions is unsurprising. It is noteworthy that occasionally the helmet is a scale design. This sort of helmet had not been discontinued in favour of unit designs in India until the modern times19. At the same time the study of the scale helmet from Shaikhan Dheri done by Allchin indicates that it was possible to work scales into a turban20. It
16 Кожухов С. П. Закубанские катафрактарии // Материальная культура Востока. М., 1999.
17 Aldrete G. S., Bartell S., Alderete A. Op. cit. P. 103-125; Skupniewicz P. O Cigzkozbrojnej Jezdzie Sasanidow // Acta Universitatis Nicolai Coperni-ci. Archeologia. 2006. T. XXX (379). S. 151-174.
18 Imperial Kushan period seems too early for employment of chain mail in the region however such a possibility cannot be ruled out.
19 Skupniewicz P. Helm Wojownika Przedstawionego na Kapitelu w Tak e Bostan // Acta Militaria Mediaevalia. 2006. T. 3. S. 9-28.
20 Allchin F. R. A Piece of Scale Armour from Shaikhan Dheri, Charsada // JRAS. 1970. Vol. 102. № 2. P. 113-120.
seems that this is another premise that makes it plausible to claim the use of different materials for protection of the character's torso. Of course, until the discovery of the actual armours of this type or new iconographic sources, this remains speculation. It is worth mentioning, however, that warriors and hunters from the scenes of Buddha's life in Gandhara iconography have different types of helmets21, which allows for the presumption that a colourful turban made out of an expensive fabric could have signified a commander.
The equipment in the iconographic type discussed encompasses head, torso, and thigh protection with a pteryges type shield, heavy boots and a spear. It is a set unknown in India, where warriors were shown almost naked. Although Indian literature mentions armours22, they are extremely rarely present in art. It is also impossible to agree with Mann's statement about an alleged Parthian or steppe-Iranian origin of this type23. Elements of Skanda-Kartikeya's armour in Gandhara art do not correspond to the tradition of Iranian riders. It seems that Mann is trying to manipulate the reality to fit his ideological narrative. At the same time, referencing a Kushan seal with the image of the god Mars "in Roman attire" (see table E, ill. 3), Mann seems to skirt around the real origin of the Gandhara Skanda type24, ignoring certain finds such as the clasps with the image of warriors of Tillya-Tepe (see table E, ill. 2) or the Mars-Ares image from Nisean rhyta25. This group shows the deity in a muscle cuirass, with
21 Горелик М. В. Кушанский доспех. С. 82-112; Носов K. C. Указ. соч. С. 116-117; Facenna D., Filigenzi A. Op. cit. P. 171-173.
22 Chakravarati P. C. Op. cit. P. 177-180.
23 Mann R. Op. cit. P. 111-128.
24 Ibid. P. 121-122.
25 Пугаченкова Г. А. О панцирном вооружении парфянского и бак-трийского воинства // ВДИ. 1966. № 2. С. 27-43; Abdullaev K. Armour of Ancient Bactria // In the Land of the Gryphons. Papers on Central Asian Archaeology in Antiquity / Ed. by A. Invernizzi. Firenze, 1995. P. 151-161; Nikonorov V. P. The Armies of Bactria. 700 BC-450 AD. 2 vols. Stockport, 1997. P. 23, 56; Sarianidi V. The Golden Hoard of Bactria: from the Tillya-tepe Excavations in Northern Afghanistan. Leningrad, 1985; idem. The Treasure of Golden Hill // AJA. Vol. 84. № 2. P. 125-131.
a round shield and a spear. This type is repeated by Skanda-Kartikkeya images from Gandhara, differing with torso and head gear. It is noteworthy that the Tillya-Tepe characters are depicted with two birds on the columns visually emphasizing connection with Skanda's cockerel.
It seems that Skanda and other warriors in discussed armament were represented as a Yavana/Greek warriors. Moreover, this type of armour must be ascribed to hypaspist units26, which would mean that central Asian and Indian, Hellenistic, warfare had developed differently to the Western counterpart. Local Greeks, no longer facing thousands-strong phalanxes armed with sarissae, used more universal units, resembling traditional hoplites rather than Hellenic sa-rissophoroi. One would presume that this applies to hypaspists above all, though it must be borne in mind that terracottas from Kampyr Tepe deliver information on the application of Roman legion-based, armoured thyreophoroi27. The latter, however, as a tactical solution, either did not stand the test of time or failed to reach India; they could also have been seen as a "novelty" as opposed to the hypaspists, with whom Alexander the Great personally marched in. Naturally, the swords hanging over warriors' in discussed grab hips are not Greek, nor were turbans typical Greek headgear. Similary, Greek linothorakoi differed greatly from the armour form represented by the images of Skanda from Gandhara. Greek states in India survived until 1st century AD, therefore the Greek ethnicity must have survived longer. Modifications of
26 Bar-Kochva B. The Seleucid Army. Organization and Tactics in the Great Campaigns. Cambridge, 1976. P. 58, 64-65; Markle M. M. The Macedonian Sarissa, Spear, and Related Armor // AJA. 1977. Vol. 81. № 3. P. 326-331; idem. A Shield Monument from Veria and the Chronology of Macedonian Shield Types // Hesperia. 1999. Vol. 68. № 2. P. 221-222; Milns R. D. The Hypaspists of Alexander III: Some Problems // Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 1971. Bd. 20. H. 2/3. S. 186-195.
27 Nikonorov V. P. The Armies of Bactria... P. 23, 56; idem. More about Western Elements in the Armament of Hellenistic Bactria: the Case of the Warrior Terracotta from Kampyr Tepe // Zwischen Ost und West. Neue Forschungen zum antiken Zentral Asien (Archäologie in Iran und Turan, 14) / Hrsg. G. Lindström, S. Hansen, A. Wieczorek, M. Tellenbach. B., 2014. S. 187-204.
certain parts of the equipment in a situation of detachment from the cultural centre was inevitable. It seems, however, that the tactical principle remained the same. The bow that appears in some images of this type also indicates an adaptation of a classic Greek fighting method to an Asian battlefield. It must be noted that bows were adopted for armoured cavalry by the Bactrian Greeks28. It is also noteworthy that the bows are of reflex type brought to India by nomadic invaders and varying from traditional Indian self-bows.
Showing Skanda-Kartikeya as a hoplite-hypaspist-Ares-Mars may indicate a significant role of Greeks in Kushan military history, but could also refer to the situation of the Yavana themselves, still people outside of the caste system yet valuable warriros or kshatriya. Here Skanda could not just be a war deity, an equivalent of Mars, but also, as an extramarital child, a potent bastard-god29, corresponded with the social standing of Greek people.
Bibliography
Abdullaev K. Armour of Ancient Bactria // In the Land of the Gryphons. Papers on Central Asian Archaeology in Antiquity / Ed. by A. Invernizzi. Firenze, 1995. P. 151-161. Agrawala R. C. Skanda-Sasthi in Gandharan Reliefs? A Review //
East and West. 1995. Vol. 45. № 1/4. P. 329-332. Agrawala R.C. Skanda with Cock and Peacock // Eastern Approaches. Essays on Asian Art and Archaeology / Ed. by T. S. Maxwell. Delhi, 1992. P. 130-132. Aldrete G. S., Bartell S., Alderete A. Reconstructing Ancient Linen
Body Armor. Baltimore, 2013. Allchin F. R. A Piece of Scale Armour from Shaikhan Dheri,
Charsada // JRAS. 1970. Vol. 102. № 2. P. 113-120. Bar Bar-Kochva B. The Seleucid Army. Organization and Tactics in
the Great Campaigns. Cambridge, 1976. Chakravarati P.C. The Art of War in Ancient India. Delhi, 1941 (2003 reptint).
Facenna D., Filigenzi A. Repertory of Terms for Cataloguing Gandharan Sculptures. R., 2007.
28 Nikonorov V. P. The Armies of Bactria... P. 9, 54.
29 Mann R. Op. cit. P. 113-114.
Jaiwanat Paul E. Arms and Armour. Traditional weapons of India, Delhi, 2006.
Jäger U. Der griechisch-hellenistische Muskelpanzer und sein Fortleben in Zentralasien, 4. Jh. v. Chr. bis 8./9. Jh. n. Chr.: Ein kurzer Beitrag zum rüstungstechnologischen Nachleben des Hellenismus in Zentralasien // Arms and Armours as Indicators of Cultural Transfer / Ed. by M. Mode, J. Tubach. Halle, 2006. P. 19-42.
Kantorowicz E. H. Gods in Uniforms // Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 1961. Vol. 105/4. P. 368-393.
Khorasani M. M. Lexicon of Arms and Armor from Iran. A Study of Symbols and Terminology. Tübingen, 2010.
Kubik L. A. Przedstawienie iranskich konskich pancerzy w azer-bejdzanskim romansie Varqa i Gulshah z pocz^tku 13 wieku. O sasanidzkiej? genezie elementu konskiego oporz^dzenia w okresie seldzuckim // Historia i Swiat. 2014. № 3. S. 61-71.
Mann R. Parthian and Hellenistic Influences on the Development of Skanda's Cult in North India: Evidence from Kusäna-Era Art and Coins // Bulletin of the Asia Institute. New Series. 2001. Vol. 15. P. 111-128.
Markle M. M. A Shield Monument from Veria and the Chronology of Macedonian Shield Types // Hesperia. 1999. Vol. 68. № 2. P. 219-254.
Markle M. M. The Macedonian Sarissa, Spear, and Related Armor // AJA. 1977. Vol. 81. № 3. P. 326-331.
Melikian-Chirvani A. S. Bargostvän // Encyclopaedia Iranica. On-line edition, available at: http://www.iranicaonline.org/ articles/bargostvan-armor-specifically-horse-armjr-a-distincti ve-feature-of-iranian-warfare-from-very-early-times-on (1988).
Melikian-Chirvani A. S. The Westward Journey of the Kazhagand // Journal of the Armsand Armour Society. 1983. Vol. 11. P. 8-35.
Milns R. D. The Hypaspists of Alexander III: Some Problems // Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 1971. Bd. 20. H. 2/3. S. 186-195.
Nikonorov V. P. More about Western Elements in the Armament of Hellenistic Bactria: the Case of the Warrior Terracotta from Kampyr Tepe // Zwischen Ost und West. Neue Forschungen zum antiken Zentral Asien (Archäologie in Iran und Turan, 14) / Hrsg. G. Lindström, S. Hansen, A. Wieczorek, M. Tellenbach. B., 2014. S. 187-204.
Nikonorov У. P. The Armies of Bactria. 700 BC-450 AD. 2 vols. Stockport, 1997.
Robinson H. R. Oriental Armour. N.Y., 1967.
Sarianidi V. The Golden Hoard of Bactria: from the Tillya-tepe Excavations in Northern Afghanistan. Leningrad, 1985.
Sarianidi V. The Treasure of Golden Hill // AJA. Vol. 84. № 2. P. 125-131.
Skupniewicz P. Helm Wojownika Przedstawionego na Kapitelu w Tak e Bostan // Acta Militaria Mediaevalia. 2006. T. 3. S. 9-28.
Skupniewicz P. O Ciçzkozbrojnej Jezdzie Sasanidow // Acta Uni-versitatis Nicolai Copernici. Archeologia. 2006. T. XXX (379). S. 151-174.
Skupniewicz P. Sasanian Plate Armour // Fasciculi Archaeologiae Historicae. 2006. Fasc. 19. S. 19-33.
Skupniewicz P. The Iconorgaphic Function of Armor in Sasanian Art // Rivista degli Studi Oriental! 2015. P. 251-281.
Southworth K. Skanda in Gandhara. A Hindu God in Buddhist Environment? // South Asian Archaeology and Art. 2014. Vol. 1. P. 71-76.
Srinivassan D. M. Skanda/Kartikkeya in the Early Art of Northwest // Silk Road Art and Archaeology. 1997-1998. Vol. 5. P. 233-268.
Warriors of the Himalayas. Rediscovering the Arms and Armor of Tibet / Ed. by D. J. LaRocca. N.Y., 2006.
Trousdale W. Long Sword and Scabbard-Slide in Asia. Washington (DC), 1975.
Горелик М. В. Защитное вооружение степной зоны Евразии и примыкающих к ней территорий в I тыс. н. э. // Военное дело населения юга Сибири и Дальнего Востока. Новосибирск, 1993. С. 149-179.
Горелик М. В. Кушанский доспех // Древняя Индия. Историко-культурные связи. М., 1982. С. 82-112.
Кожухов С. П. Закубанские катафрактарии // Материальная культура Востока. М., 1999. С. 159-189.
Носов K. C. Традиционное оружие Индии. М., 2011.
Пугаченкова Г. А. О панцирном вооружении парфянского и бактрийского воинства // ВДИ. 1966. № 2. С. 27-43.
Illustrations
B. Type II — scale coat
C. Type III — "lorica laminata" (?)
Patryk Norbertt Skupniewicz, PhD student of the Institute of History and International Relations (University of Natural Sciences and Humanities, Siedlce, Poland); e-mail: Patryk.Skupniewicz@gmail.com.
К вопросу об элементах защитного снаряжения пеших воинов в искусстве Гандхары: свидетельство сохранения эллинистической военной традиции?
В статье рассматриваются изображения пеших воинов, имеющих специфический тип доспехов, встречающиеся в искусстве Гандхары кушанского времени. Облачение воинов представляет собой местную разновидность снаряжения гипастпистов, включая птериги и панцирь, покрытый узорами в форме ромбов или чешуек. Это может указывать на то, что Сканда, чьё изображение часто встречается на рассматриваемом снаряжении, будучи «незаконнорожденным», но могущественным богом, в данный период ассоциировался у жителей Индии с местными греками, не входившими в варновую систему.
Ключевые слова: Сканда, Картикея, Индия, Гандхара, гипаспист, гоплит, доспех, эллинизм, снаряжение, вооружение.
Патрик Норберт Скупневич, докторант Института истории и международных отношений (Университет естественных и гуманитарных наук, г. Седльце, Польша); эл. почта: Patryk.Skupniewicz@gmail.com.
References
Abdullaev K. Armour of Ancient Bactria // In the Land of the Gryphons. Papers on Central Asian Archaeology in Antiquity / Ed. by A. In-vernizzi. Firenze, 1995. P. 151-161.
Agrawala R. C. Skanda-Sasthi in Gandharan Reliefs? A Review // East and West. 1995. Vol. 45. № 1/4. P. 329-332.
Agrawala R.C. Skanda with Cock and Peacock // Eastern Approaches. Essays on Asian Art and Archaeology / Ed. by T. S. Maxwell. Delhi, 1992. P. 130-132.
Aldrete G. S., Bartell S., Alderete A. Reconstructing Ancient Linen Body Armor. Baltimore, 2013.
Allchin F. R. A Piece of Scale Armour from Shaikhan Dheri, Charsada // Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. 1970. Vol. 102. № 2. P. 113-120.
Bar Bar-Kochva B. The Seleucid Army. Organization and Tactics in the Great Campaigns. Cambridge, 1976.
Chakravarati P.C. The Art of War in Ancient India. Delhi, 1941 (2003 reptint).
Facenna D., Filigenzi A. Repertory of Terms for Cataloguing Gandharan Sculptures. R., 2007.
Jaiwanat Paul E. Arms and Armour. Traditional weapons of India, Delhi, 2006.
Jäger U. Der griechisch-hellenistische Muskelpanzer und sein Fortleben in Zentralasien, 4. Jh. v. Chr. bis 8./9. Jh. n. Chr.: Ein kurzer Beitrag zum rüstungstechnologischen Nachleben des Hellenismus in Zentralasien // Arms and Armours as Indicators of Cultural Transfer / Ed. by M. Mode, J. Tubach. Halle, 2006. P. 19-42.
Kantorowicz E. H. Gods in Uniforms // Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 1961. Vol. 105/4. P. 368-393.
Khorasani M. M. Lexicon of Arms and Armor from Iran. A Study of Symbols and Terminology. Tübingen, 2010.
Kubik L. A. Przedstawienie iranskich konskich pancerzy w azerbejdzan-skim romansie Varqa i Gulshah z pocz^tku 13 wieku. O sasanidzkiej? genezie elementu konskiego oporz^dzenia w okresie seldzuckim // Historia i Swiat. 2014. № 3. S. 61-71.
Mann R. Parthian and Hellenistic Influences on the Development of Skan-da's Cult in North India: Evidence from KuSäna-Era Art and Coins // Bulletin of the Asia Institute. New Series. 2001. Vol. 15. P. 111-128.
Markle M. M. A Shield Monument from Veria and the Chronology of Macedonian Shield Types // Hesperia. 1999. Vol. 68. № 2. P. 219-254.
Markle M. M. The Macedonian Sarissa, Spear, and Related Armor // American Journal of Archaeology. 1977. Vol. 81. № 3. P. 326-331.
Melikian-Chirvani A. S. Bargostvän // Encyclopaedia Iranica. On-line edition, available at: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/bargostvan--armor-specifically-horse-armjr-a-distinctive-feature-of-iranian-warfa re-from-very-early-times-on (1988).
Melikian-Chirvani A. S. The Westward Journey of the Kazhagand // Journal of the Armsand Armour Society. 1983. Vol. 11. P. 8-35.
Milns R. D. The Hypaspists of Alexander III: Some Problems // Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 1971. Bd. 20. H. 2/3. S. 186-195.
Nikonorov V. P. More about Western Elements in the Armament of Hellenistic Bactria: the Case of the Warrior Terracotta from Kampyr Tepe // Zwischen Ost und West. Neue Forschungen zum antiken Zentral Asien (Archäologie in Iran und Turan, 14) / Hrsg. G. Lindström, S. Hansen, A. Wieczorek, M. Tellenbach. B., 2014. S. 187-204.
Nikonorov V. P. The Armies of Bactria. 700 BC-450 AD. 2 vols. Stockport, 1997.
Robinson H. R. Oriental Armour. N.Y., 1967.
Sarianidi V. The Golden Hoard of Bactria: from the Tillya-tepe Excavations in Northern Afghanistan. Leningrad, 1985.
Sarianidi V. The Treasure of Golden Hill // American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. 84. № 2. P. 125-131.
Skupniewicz P. Helm Wojownika Przedstawionego na Kapitelu w Tak e Bo-stan // Acta Militaria Mediaevalia. 2006. T. 3. S. 9-28.
Skupniewicz P. O Cigzkozbrojnej Jezdzie Sasanidow // Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici. Archeologia. 2006. T. XXX (379). S. 151-174.
Skupniewicz P. Sasanian Plate Armour // Fasciculi Archaeologiae Histori-cae. 2006. Fasc. 19. S. 19-33.
Skupniewicz P. The Iconorgaphic Function of Armor in Sasanian Art // Rivista degli Studi Orientali. 2015. P. 251-281.
Southworth K. Skanda in Gandhara. A Hindu God in Buddhist Environment? // South Asian Archaeology and Art. 2014. Vol. 1. P. 71-76.
Srinivassan D. M. Skanda/Kartikkeya in the Early Art of Northwest // Silk Road Art and Archaeology. 1997-1998. Vol. 5. P. 233-268.
Warriors of the Himalayas. Rediscovering the Arms and Armor of Tibet / Ed. by D. J. LaRocca. N.Y., 2006.
Trousdale W. Long Sword and Scabbard-Slide in Asia. Washington (DC), 1975.
Gorelik M. V. Zashchitnoe vooruzhenie stepnoy zony Evrazii i primykay-ushchikh k ney territoriy v I tys. n.e. // Voennoe delo naseleniya yuga Sibiri i Dal'nego Vostoka. Novosibirsk, 1993. S. 149-179.
Gorelik M. V. Kushanskiy dospekh // Drevnyaya Indiya. Istoriko-kul'turnye svyazi. M., 1982. S. 82-112.
Kozhukhov S. P. Zakubanskie katafraktarii // Material'naya kul'tura Vostoka. M., 1999. S. 159-189.
Nosov K. C. Traditsionnoe oruzhie Indii. M., 2011.
Pugachenkova G. A. O pantsirnom vooruzhenii parfyanskogo i baktriysk-ogo voinstva // Vestnik drevney istorii. 1966. № 2. S. 27-43.
