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15УДК 316 (32+72)
Processes of Restoration of Religious-National Identity and Globalization in the Modern World
Veronica Y. Danilova*
The Krasnoyarsk State Teachers’ Training University
Named after V.P. Astafjev, 89 Lebedeva st., Krasnoyarsk, 660049 Russia 1
Received 23.03.2009, received in revised form 30.03.2009, accepted 6.04.2009
In the given article, we consider the opposition of globalization processes, on one hand, and religious-national identification, on the other. In the result of globalization processes, a certain type ofperson is being formed, the person, who does not feel responsible for the destiny of the society and is bound up in his own consumptive needs.
Our native researchers of religion consider that integration of society in the beginning of XXI century will be connected to the restoration of religious-national traditions.
The author studies «markers of identity» on the example of «the Russian Germans» in Russia. In the article we present the results of an expanded sociological survey. The author comes to a conclusion that the leading factor of religious-national identity restoration process is independent from nationality and region; and it is a traditional religious affiliation.
Keywords: social philosophy, culture, religious studies, religious-national identity.
Opinion
In the modern world, one of the most debatable problems of social philosophy is the research of correlation of religious-national identification and globalization processes. We consider the following point of view to be most convincing and according to it, the struggle between tradition and modernity, between the universal and the specific makes up the specificity of interrelations of globalization and religious-national identification processes (Giddens, 2005).
In the modern world, this confrontation is being escalated. In the result of globalization processes, a certain type of person is being
* Corresponding author E-mail address: soulrona@list.ru
1 © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
formed, the person, who does not feel responsible for the destiny of the society and is bound up in his own consumptive needs (Gullner, 2008: 73). Appearance of such a type of person has become possible because of gradual leveling of cultural (and also religious and national) traditions (Attali, 1993).
European states have already faced a mass of negative consequences in political and social spheres after the «consumer» type of person has been spread («ageing» of nation, social disintegration). «The society of egoists» is already a reality for the most part of the population of Germany. The reaction of national minorities (the Turks, the Italians, the Portuguese, and the
Greeks) has been strengthening of their own religious-national identity (Gullner, 2008: 73).
Thereat, globalization carries also some positive fundamental changes for the humanity, which are first of all connected with expansion of technologies and informational nets. Market relations and communication system development make a man be free in his choice of goods and services in the planetary scale and contribute to the international communication development.
Right in the center of the opposition of globalization and religious-national identity restoration there is a future of the mankind -the choice between the globalistic unification and the local (including national and religious traditions).
Our native researchers of religion (A. Kyrlezhev, A. Zhuravskij) consider that integration of society in the beginning of XXI century will be connected to the restoration of religious-national traditions (Zhuravskij, 2004; Kyrlezhev, 2004). Religious and national traditions possess a powerful resource for society consolidation, in particular, in a situation of crisis. The appeal to religious-national traditions allows the individual feeling himself again a part of one, well-consolidated collective. That is why, to the mind of A. Zhuravskij, the growth of «nationalism» and «fundamentalism» should be considered as a reaction of the «national states’» society to the threat of anomie, which is appearing in the course of globalization (Zhuravskij, 2004).
As far as the processes of religious-national identity restoration go on within the frames of national states, consequently, to the mind of religion researcher A. Kyrlezhev, in the nearest future it will bring to appearance of cultural «micro-civilizations» within the frames of already existing «macro-civilizations», and these «micro-civilizations» will be based on a certain confessional tradition: «here, we are speaking about some kind of ethno-religious and cultural-
religious autonomy, which can be taken as a basis for a separate «civilization»... now, the difference and the struggle among the states-nations, classes, races, and religions are being replaced by the division and the struggle of «civilizations», being not at all conceived according to Toynbee or Spengler, that is not as «macro-civilizations», but as some communities of much lesser scale - some sort of «micro-civilizations», which bases are more often exactly religions or large confessional communities» (Zhuravskij, 2004).
The world won’t become homogeneous in the result of the sharp opposition of unification and westernization from the part of national states, where we observe active processes of religious-national identity restoration - the matter is sooner about the regionalization of the world.
Professor of sociology U. Bek, the Munich University, suggests turning away from the conceptions of society integration in globalization, which have appeared earlier - cultural relativism, multi-culturalism, tolerance, internationalism as far as they are not efficient. Instead of them he suggests a new approach - «cosmopolitisation» of society. The given approach implies acceptation of all the peculiarities existing in the world (but not leveling them) and rendering them a positive sense (Bek, 2008).
In recent years, the growth of national and religious tension in different parts of the world at the end of XX - at the beginning of XXI centuries is a new round in the cultural opposition of tradition and globalization. And in the nearest future, the processes of religious-national identity restoration in Russia and in the whole world will apparently snowball under the influence of the global economical crisis, which started in 2008.
Examples
As the most vivid example we can consider the processes of religious-national identity restoration on the post-soviet territory.
At the beginning of XXI century, the processes of religious-national identity restoration in Kazakhstan brought to creation of a new national ideology, within which frames they presupposed a gradual assimilation of the Russian- and Turkic-speaking minorities. Thus, a new notion «the Kazakhstanis» has appeared (Sadovskaja, 2001: 42-48).
The process of re-Islamisation is also observed in one more state of CIS - the republic of Kyrgyzstan. So, in Kyrgyzstan in 1989-1999 the share of «ethnic» Christians decreased almost twice - from 26.7 to 14 %, and the share of Muslims increased from 71 to 84 %. But on the whole, the processes of religious-national identity restoration, the same as the processes of globalization, develop slowly in connection with the social-economical and geographical peculiarity of a region (Galieva, 1999).
At the beginning of XXI century, strongly marked processes of national and religious traditions restoration have taken place in Ukraine as well. Its cultural sphere is the cult of glory of Kievan Knyazes (images of St. Vladimir, St. Olga and Yaroslav I the Wise are placed on the Ukraine pieces of money), aggrandizement of the Ukraine state and political figures (Petljura and others.), attempts to force out the Russian language. There were also made attempts to get official recognition of autocephaly (full administrative independence) of the Ukraine Orthodox Church of the Kievan Patriarchate at the ceremonies of the 1020-anniversary of the Baptism of Kievan Russia.
Similar situation is also observed in Estonia, which, in comparison with the countries, mentioned above, identifies itself with Europe. In Estonia, the processes of national identification in the transitional period are connected with the policy of acculturation of the native Russian-speaking population and have already brought to separation of generations into «the winners» and «the losers»
(Vihalemm, Kalmus, 2008: 105), to the protests of national minorities against the revision of the soviet past (Vahitov, 2008), to transition of the system of education to teaching in the Estonian language, and to appearance of the phenomenon of mass absence of the citizenship status.
Restoration of religious identity snowballs the contradictions among the nations, populating Estonia, because they are devoted to different religious traditions. Thus, Orthodoxy is traditional for the Setus - an Estonian national minority, which strives for its cultural autonomy; Orthodoxy and Old Belief are traditional for the Russians, forming about 30 % of the Estonian population; Paganism, Orthodoxy and Lutheranism - for the Estonians (Alexis
II Patriarch, 1999; Ponomarjova, Shor, 2006; Chudnoe Prichud’e... , 2006).
The processes of religious-national identity restoration have been increased not only in the countries of the former soviet camp, but in other parts of the world.
At the beginning of XXI century, along with the increase of globalization, we can observe the increase of its opposition from the part of spreading processes of religious-national identification, and strengthening of «the negative identification» (i.e. in fact, we may speak about a new round of reintegration of national states, basing on the notion of an opposite, «foreign» society) (Gudkov, 2000: P. 37).
In the given situation, modern researchers try to suggest «national states» some variants of surmounting of the society identity crisis.
According to the results of a series of sociological surveys, in modern Russia we observe a strong striving of population to keep the traditions and customs of their ancestors. In 1995-1996 within the frames of the international project «National Identity - 1995» they carried out comparative sociological surveys according to the general program in 25 countries of the
world, and these surveys were directed to reveal the conditions of local and national identities. From Russia’s side, the participant of the project was VCIOM. Most national representative data selections were within the diapason from 1100 to 1500 respondents from the number of the adult population (only in the Netherlands there were 2089 people and in Ireland - 994 people). In the result of the surveys, in Russia 82 % of the respondents (it is 2-d place in the countries’ rating) spoke in favor of the position «it will be better for the society, if the groups will keep their peculiar traditions and customs». Thereat, Japan has the closest to Russia position in the given question (85 %, 1-d place) and Latvia (71 %, 3-d place), and also most of the countries of the former social camp, where such a striving was expressed by 50 % and more of the population -Germany, Slovakia, Hungary, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Poland (Gudkov, 1999: 47).
In Russia, the returning to national and religious traditions, which began at the beginning of 1990-s, has its own specificity.
In post-soviet Russia, the searching for identity is directed to various historical periods: restoration of the soviet identity, returning to the ancient cultural roots of millenarian Holy Russia, formation of a principally new identity (for example, Eurasian, pro-western).
The results of numerous sociological surveys, which were carried out in 2005-2007 by Levada-Center, VCIOM, Ju. Sinelina, K. Kaariajnen, and
D. Furman, prove that the processes of religious-national identification among the Russian people have been increasing during the last years. Restoration of identity gradually acquires the form of a specific ideology, where the division into «we-they», «native-foreign» becomes stronger and stronger (Andreeva, 2008: 69).
In 1992, 1998, 2004, 2007 the Institute of Informatics Systems of the Russian Academy of Science carried out All-Russia sociological
surveys «Citizens of Russia: whom do they consider themselves to be and in what kind of society would they like to live?». These surveys showed that the number of Russian citizens, who identified themselves with the people of the same nationality, was increasing (from 75 % in 1992 to 92 % in 2007), and with the people of the same believes and world outlooks (from 73 % in 1992 to 95 % in 2007) (Gorshkov, 2008: 106). Thus, due to Russia’s involvement into the processes of globalization, the processes of religious-national identity have become more intense.
In the Russian society, the sharpening of globalization opposition is revealed in various spheres, also including culture. In Russia, since 2003 the film distribution share of Russian films and cartoons, including those of patriotic theme, has been significantly increased due to the state support («9-th Company», «Alexander Nevsky. Total War», «1612», «Dobrynja Nikitich», «Alesha Popovich and the Tugarin Dragon» and others.). In 2005, the «Nikola» kvass advertizing campaign was started under the slogan: «No Cola-nization! Kvass is the health of our nation!».
In religious sphere, the overcoming of inner controversies and supporting of social and missionary activities in the countries and regions, being traditional for Christian confessions, have become one of the revelations of the growing antagonism to socially leveling globalist processes. In 2007, the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate and the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad came to a merger (Danilova, 2007: 213-218).
To the mind of our native theologians and religion sociologists (L. Filatov, A. Stepina), in Russia the processes of religious-national identification restoration have brought to formation of regions with one-two confessions’ domineering influence according to the national structure of each region (Filatov, Stepina, 2002: 334.). Under these conditions, the Russians, as the
largest nation in the county, have again begun to fulfill a role of the state-forming nation. It is also proved by the data of sociological researches -the people, having been born in the result of mixed marriages in1990-s, changed their national identification priorities in favor of the national identification of the largest nation of the given region, but not of the country on the whole (Aleksahina, 1998).
The processes of restoration of Russian identity have already gone beyond the borders of the Russian state. In the Internet - one of the main instruments of globalization - we observe certain shifts towards separation and extraction of our national components. In 2008, at the 32-d international conference of ICANN1 the monopoly of the Latin alphabet was broken with a direct participation of the Russian powers - the board of directors of this corporation took a decision to introduce the domains of the upper level2 in Cyrillic and other national non-Latin alphabets. In Russia, the existing ru and su national domains will be soon enlarged by one more domain -p$. Now, the Internet is not only an instrument of globalization of the mankind, but also an instrument of the mankind’s separation according to the linguistic criteria.
Most of the countries, having similar cultural, national and religious traditions (countries of the Latin America, countries of the so-called «Islamic world») have certain tendencies to creation of a common political, economical space. Such a possibility is also marked by the religion sociologist H. Casanova (Casanova, 2001).
1 ICANN (Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers) - an international non-commercial organization, created on 30 September, 1998, with the support of the USA Government in order to regulate the problems, connected with the domain names, IP-addresses and other aspects of the Internet functioning.
2 Domains of the upper level are the starting benchmarks, which the Internet domain names start from. Some examples of domains of the upper level: .com - commercial organizations; .org - non-commercial organizations; .edu - higher educational institutions.
In future, there can appear new transnational identities on the basis of these or those world religions.
Because of its geographical situation and historical specificity, Russia borders several strong civilizations - European, American, Islamic, Indian, and Chinese. That is why the processes of identification restoration can possibly bring to appearance of «a micro-civilization» on the marked political space.
Being on the verge of history and culture of two nations - Russia and Germany - the so-called «Russian Germans» can become one of them.
There are 597.2 thousand of Germans in the Russian Federation (2002). Their main territories of habitation are: the Altai region (79.5 thousand), Omsk (76.3 thousand) and Novosibirsk (47.3 thousand) oblasts, the Krasnoyarsk region (36.9 thousand), the Kemerovo oblast (36.0 thousand) (Ethnic History... , 2006: 11; Ethno-atlas, 2006).
Mass immigration of German colonists in Russia started in XVIII century by the invitation of Catherine II. The moving colonists did not yet present a common nation (German nation formation process reached its completion only at the end of XIX century) and they were striving to keep their traditions in Russia. Later, they created their mono-cultural settlements in Volga region and other regions of the Russian Empire.
As a rule, the settlements, established by them, are not already mono-national. Thus, only about a half of the population of the Nikolaevka settlement of the Krasnoturansk region in the Krasnoyarsk Kray (based by German colonists at the beginning of XX century) is German.
In modern Russia, we should include not only ethnic Germans, but their descendants from mixed marriages, and also their spouses -representatives of some other nations, in to the so-called «Russian Germans» (Wormsbecher,
1999: 80).
In 1990-s, we observed active migration of Germans to the historical motherland of their ancestors - to Germany in connection with the disadvantageous social-economical situation in Russia. But, at the same time, Germans from the neighboring middle Asia republics - Kirgizia and Kazakhstan (where the restoration processes of religious-national identity, being traditional for these countries, began to snowball) arrived in Russia.
The peak of the Russian Germans’ migration from Russia was in 1995 and its amount was 51.3 thousand people (Russia and its regions..., 2005: 516). Though, in recent years the situation in Russia has changed on the whole - there has appeared a tendency to reverse migration, i.e. the Germans, who have left Russia, are coming back (Stepanov, Tishkov, 2005: 65-66).
For example, during recent decades, Germans in the Krasnoyarsk region have continued to take the 4-th place in Russia according to their number (about 37 thousand people or 11 % of population), though during 1990-s their number decreased almost by 15 % (Ethnic History..., 2006: P. 11.). And since 2002 their number has not changed practically at all. In 2002, 36 850 people identify themselves as Germans in the Krasnoyarsk region, and in 2006 - 36.9 thousand people according to the data of All-Russia enumeration in the Krasnoyarsk region (Ethno-atlas, 2006).
Thus, at present time only those Germans have left on the territory of the Krasnoyarsk region, for whom their national identity is an important, but not the final factor (independently from the fact whether they have departed and come back, or they have never left). They stick to their religious and national traditions and customs to this or that extend.
At present time, the Russian Germans have to make a choice in the sphere of culture. They are to choose among cultural traditions, which
are close to them (languages, customs, food and so on.).
Ancestors of the Russian Germans emigrated from Germany, when the German literary language was only on the stage of its formation, and that is why in the course of two centuries they were carefully keeping their dialects in mononational settlements. Today, they have faced the necessity to substitute their existing German dialects for one common language, in order to provide consolidation of the Russian Germans, but for a different one from the Russian language, in order not to be assimilated. At present time, the German literary language has become the one for the Russian Germans.
In July-August 2003 under the leadership of V. Krivonogov they organized an ethnographical expedition to the Nikolaevka settlement of the Krasnoturansk region in the Krasnoyarsk Kray in order to research preservation of German traditions in the given settlement. The share of Germans in the settlement is 54 % (535 people). As the given surveys show, the German language is used comparatively often among the Germans of Nikolaevka: 64 % of people consider it to be their colloquial and 89 % of people consider it to be their native language, but rural people possess it to different extent. At the same time, the Russian language is used by 92 % of respondents.
Such a wide usage of the Russian language is connected not only with migration flows, but also with that fact, that German dialects cannot be used as a mean of communication among all the Germans of the given settlement. In 1999-2001within the frames of the international project «Breitenarbeit» they performed ethno-linguistic surveys, which showed that Russian Germans had to use Russian words for communication because of differences in the dialects in ten regions of the Krasnoyarsk Kray (Djatlova, 1999).
In perspective, it can bring to complete transition of the Russian Germans to the Russian
Table 1. Frequency of National Dishes Cooking in the Nikolaevka Settlement
They cook national dishes Correlation in the number of respondents Average age of the group (years)
regularly 68 % 57
rarely 24 % 31
Do not cook 3 % 22
Do not know 5 % 18
language, their assimilation and termination of German traditions and customs. The same situation can be observed concerning national dishes.
As it is seen in Table 1, most part of the Germans in Nikolaevka cooks national dishes regularly. Though, it cannot be said about the customs. Most of the Nikolaevka Germans know well only the funeral ceremony (71 %); the marriage and the birth rites are less known (25 % and 3 % correspondingly).
Though, in large cities, where Germans live dispersed, the processes of religious-national identity restoration are quite different. In cities, it is not the family, which plays the main role in consolidation of the Russian Germans (as it is in the country area), but outer structures. First of all, it is the national-cultural autonomy and centers of the German culture, on which bases they learn German free of charge and organize Lutheran communities.
In Krasnoyarsk, Lutheranism has taken a special place in consolidation of the Russian Germans at least since 1994, when the first Lutheran community appeared in the city. Even at that time, the Russian Germans considered Lutheranism as one of the most important markers of their national identity.
Studying the role of the religious factor, as one of the means of religious-national identity restoration, in 2005 the author of the given article carried out an expanded sociological survey in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community, following the German traditions.
In the course of this research we have revealed the following German surnames in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community (Andreas, Bille, Post, Krikau, Matermann, Neivert, Peck, Reich, Eisner and others), and the following ones of the Russian and Ukrainian origin (Stepanova, Pavlova, Danilova, Bereznikova, Bogdanov, Belkina, Tyomnich, Petrovich, Velichko, Kosach and others). It allows speaking about a mixed national structure of the given community.
Correlation of parents’ nationality, usage of the German and Russian languages by the representatives of German and Russian surnames testify of mixed marriages and change of surnames in the result of marriage. 61 % of respondents have both parents of the German nationality, 15 % of respondents have been born in mixed German-Russian families and only 19 % of respondents have been born in Russian families. 58 % of respondents have referred their children to the Russians, 46 % of respondents have referred their children to the Germans,
12 % of respondents - to the Ukrains, and 4 % -to the Jews.
They use two languages as a mean of communication, because of their mixed national structure - the Russian language (as a mean of integration with the surrounding foreign society) and the German literary language (as a mean of communication among the Russian Germans). Bilinguism is widely spread as in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community, so among the Germans of the Nikolaevka settlement (Minasova, 2002]. Just
the same way as in Nikolaevka, the Germans of the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community have dialects of the German language.
Thereat, 12 % of respondents in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community affirm, that their German colloquial language does not differ from the German literary language. It means that they did not learn it in their childhood, but studied it later (for example, in the national-cultural autonomy or in a higher educational institution). Thus, under the living conditions of foreign social surrounding, the Russian Germans have to refuse from German dialects and start using the German literary language in the nearest future, in order to provide their nation consolidation and preservation.
Simultaneous usage of two (Russian and German) languages in the course of divine service conductions was a norm in the given Lutheran community at least since 2002. It let them to master the German literary language and practice it all the time. The fact, that since 2008 in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community they started again to conduct divine services only in German, testifies that the German literary language is strengthening its positions in the community.
Thus, the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community has created a sort of «filters» for participation in divine services for those, who do not possess the German language. This fact allows confirming, that wide missionary service is not the main target of the Krasnoyarsk Lutherans; their inner consolidation on the
basis of religious and national traditions is much more important for them.
As it has been marked by E. Durkheim, precisely the co-participation in a religious rite is a powerful factor of group consolidation and identification of oneself according to the opposition line «we-they» (Durkheim). At the same time, participation in the life of the Lutheran community gives additional opportunities to the national-cultural identification of the Russian Germans. In the Lutheran community, Pastor and his immediate surrounding act not only as religious figures, but, first of all, as leaders and professional organizers of various kinds of activities for the purpose of religious-national identity restoration.
Though, in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community they regularly cook German national dishes three times less frequently in comparison with the population of the Nikolaevka settlement (22 % and 68 % correspondingly).
In comparison with the Nikolaevka settlement, people of the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community know less about the marriage rite, but know much better the rite of birth. Good knowledge of the funeral ceremony is possibly connected with social realities of the given settlement («aging» of the Germans of the given settlement and their families’ low fertility). According to the Nikolaevka inhabitants’ testimonies, the last marriages were celebrated at the beginning of 1990-s.
All this is connected with the fact that after their children having been born, church people
Table 2. The Degree of Rite Knowledge in the Nikolaevka Settlement and in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran Community
Type of rite Nikolaevka people know Krasnoyarsk Lutheran Community
the given rite (%) people know the given rite (%)
Birth rite 3 % 15 %
Marriage rite 25 % 7 %
Funeral rite 71 % 63 %
Table 3. Celebration of Different Kinds of Holidays by the Russian Germans in the Nikolaevka settlement and in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community
Categories of holidays New holidays Soviet holidays National holidays Religious holidays
Germans from Nikolaevka 11 % 51 % 57 % 57 %
the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community 37 % 26 % 14 % 74 %
christen them in the Lutheran Community. While marriages, as a rule, are celebrated out of the Community. It is connected with that, that the state registration procedure of civil status acts is widely spread and the wedding ceremony is perceived as an additional procedure. In Krasnoyarsk, it is connected with a strong influence of the social marriage tradition in the city culture - but those not numerous marriages, having been conducted in the last decade, have been usually celebrated out of the Community.
Mass emigration of most representatives of the traditional national base of the Russian Lutheranism to their historical motherland, urban processes and inflow of non-Lutheran population in to the settlements contribute to the weakening of the Russian Lutheran national traditions.
Though, it has brought to mainstreaming of the religious traditions in Russian Germans’ identification and perception of their uniqueness under the conditions of active inclusion of Russia into the processes of globalization. Thus, some respondents in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community were undecided to choose their native language and, answering this question, they denoted themselves as «the Russian Germans»; it testifies of their perception of themselves as a special nation, being different from the Germans from Germany.
And on the contrary, consolidation of the Russian Germans and their preservation in relation to the Germans from Germany can provide inclusion of Russian culture elements and the soviet past in their traditions.
Knowledge of traditional holidays and participation in them is an indicator of preservation of religious-national identity of the Russian Germans.
In city conditions, the competition between various cultural traditions is expressed stronger than in the country side and it contributes to quicker restoration of identity.
As it is sown in Table 3, religious holidays turned out to be the most popular in the Krasnoyarsk Lutheran community (74 %), and 3 % of respondents wrote, that they celebrated all the holidays. Thus, under the city conditions, the meaning of religious holidays is increasing, while the meaning of national holidays is decreasing, what proves that religious aspect is domineering in the process of identity restoration in the conditions of foreign culture environment of the city. Some holidays in the Lutheran calendar such as Feast of Harvest (1st Sunday of October, Erntedankfest), Commemoration Day of Victims of Violence, War and Terror (30 October, Gedenktag der Opfer von Gewalt, Krieg und Terror) have Russian specificity and by their essence are connected with the history of the Germans in Russia.
In recent years, Commemoration Day of Victims of Violence, War and Terror has become widely spread (its other name - Day of Remembrance of Victims of Political Repressions; 30 October, Gedenktag der Opfer von Gewalt, Krieg und Terror), which is unique by itself. It combines in itself several features - it is new enough, it is connected with the soviet period of
the country, and it is included into the Lutheran calendar on all the territory of the country.
Thus, in the result of inclusion of the Russian Germans into the processes of globalization, they are gradually losing some elements of their national culture or these elements are substituted by the elements of other cultural traditions. At the same time, their religious traditions have been increased in the process of restoration of their religious-national identity.
The denoted processes take place not only on the territory of the Krasnoyarsk region, but also in other regions of Russia, where there is a significant population of the Russian Germans.
Processes of religious-national identity restoration are also observed among other nations on the whole territory of Russia. Thus, for example, in the Tatarstan republic, one of the subjects of Russia, there appeared a specific national ideology «Tatarstanism» at the beginning of 1990-s (Sultanov, 1999).
Conclusion
Basing on the mentioned above, we can make a conclusion that processes of religious-national identification are becoming active in modern Russia.
Thereat, as Russian researchers V. Babakov, V. Semenov note, religious-national identity is based on the synthesis of traditional and new elements (Babakov, Semenov, 1996: 30). That is why in the process of religious-national identity restoration, proper ethnic identification criteria (language, living conditions and so on) become not so important. So, those «markers of identity» come to the foreground, which provide trans-ethnicity, synthesis of ethnic, inter-ethnic and foreign ethnic components (for example, confessional affiliation) (Babakov, Semenov, 1996].
Thus, we observe the processes of religious-national identity restoration in different countries and regions, which are actively involved in the processes of globalization. Coming back to one’s own religious and national traditions is the reaction of society to the negative consequences of globalization - westernization and unification.
On the modern stage of development, we can observe a fixation of the achieved level of religious-national identity restoration in a whole row of countries. And, the leading factor of religious-national identity restoration process is independent from nationality and region; it is a traditional religious affiliation.
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