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China's accession to WTO, the development of normative-legal base in the sphere of economy, the objective need of the U.S. market expansion, the objective need of the PRC in the expansion of markets, the concept "responsible stakeholder" and even the financial crisis of 2008-2009, leading to activation, strengthen, intensify trade and economic relations between countries. Such factors as the Taiwan and Tibet issues, the issue of U.S. arms deliveries to Taiwan, the problem of human rights in China and new that was added in recent years, the growing influence of China in the South China sea, the opposite position with regard to the Syrian issue, the economic situation in China and the economic policy of China destabilize relations between the U.S. and China. On the basis of the regulatory framework were developed cooperation mechanisms. The article describes a fundamentally new mechanism in bilateral relations, Strategic Economic dialogue, which was reorganized into Strategic and Economic dialogue. Indicates that trade and economic relations are developing in the following areas: trade, investment and joint projects. China and the US have different levels of cooperation, namely national, regional and provincial level. Three key trends in U.S.-China trade that today can be traced are studied in the article. Within the article also discussed problems and prospects of relations in this area. The authors article highlight the the relevance of the US-China relationship for the present is analysed, and their role in the modern economic system.
Key words: USA, China, bilateral relations, influence of trade and economic relations.
РЕЦЕНЗЕНТИ: Булик M.B., K.nonim.n, проф.; Зеленько Г.1., d.nonim.n, проф.
УДК [321:316.422](474):061.1€С]"199/2004":005.336.4
M. Gladysh
POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION IN THE BALTIC STATES.
EXPERIENCE FOR UKRAINE
This article investigates the transformation processes in the Baltic States from the historic perspective (early 90s of the XXth century until 2004) when these states joined NATO and the European Union. Special attention is paid to social and political transformation, creation of states with developed parliamentary system, the rule of law and a special emphasis on the fact that a nation is the carrier of a state. It is defined that during the years of the reforms the Baltic states have passed at least four major transitional stages: 1) the phase of the destruction of the old system of political and economic relations; 2) the stage of political and economic improvisation; 3) the stage of preparation to absorb Western political and economic structures; 4) the period of adaptation and structural adjustment. The uneven implementation of reforms in the three Baltic countries, their achievements and difficulties are analyzed. Common problems that existed in the Baltic countries and Ukraine are highlighted (particularly, a complex of difficult economic, political and social problems, which they inherited after the collapse of the Soviet Union, common borders with Russian Federation and a significant number of Russian-speaking population reside on their territories, energy and raw material dependence on Russia, etc.) and recommendations on how Ukraine can use the Baltic experience in proceedings transformational reforms are presented.
Keywords: transformation, political transformation, economic transformation, the Baltic States, Ukraine.
Problem statement: The main content of post-communist transformation is the transition from totalitarian and authoritarian regimes to democratic ones, from command economy to a market one. Despite the realities that the Baltic States inherited from their Soviet past (corruption, pressures from interest groups and a lack of competitiveness at all levels), they have managed to transform successfully and catapult themselves out of the Soviet space. The result was more than obvious - they have succeeded in becoming members of the EU and NATO. Ukraine was not successful in achieving such results, so the experience of the Baltic States will be very useful while conducting the transformation reforms.
Analysis of recent researches and publications: There are many researchers and scholars investigating the issue of post-communist transformation in the Baltic States. The significant impact on the determination of post-communist transformation has the researches by M. Illner, A. Kaminski and B. Kaminski, P. Machonin, J. Musil, H. Zon and others. A. Lieven in his research «The Baltic Revolution: Estonia, Latvia Lithuania and the Path to Independence» investigated the historic path of three Baltic states from the Soviet times till their regaining of independence.
Various aspects of transformation in the Baltic states were presented in the works of V. Pettai (The Consolidation of the Political Class in the Baltic States), L. Bennich-Bjorkman (Building Post-Communist States: Political Corruption and Strategies of Party Formation in Estonia and Latvia), V. Pettai and M. Kreutzer (Party Politics in the Baltic States: Social Bases and Institutional Contexts), C. Thomson (The Singing Revolution: A Journey through the Baltic States).
This issue is not profoundly investigated by national experts and scholars, as their researches are mostly concentrated on the issues of Baltic States' foreign policy aspects (particularly entering the EU and NATO).
The process that began in the late 1990s in the Eastern Europe and on the post-Soviet area cannot be compared in magnitude with any of the events of the XX century. The scope of its «transformative» actions encompassed all spheres of life of the Eastern European societies: economics, politics, ideology, and finally - the whole system of basic public values, including foreign policy. The comprehensive nature of the changes made this process beyond the boundaries of the socialist community, making it part of a larger process of European integration and globalization, the cardinal ordained geopolitical shift whose consequences are yet to be determined and evaluated.
The nature and duration of the transformation processes in the former USSR had been influenced by such objective factors as their coincidence in time with accelerated globalization of the world (with all its positive and negative effects) and the duration of "socialist" history of young nations.
During the years of reforms Eastern Europe and the Baltic states have passed at least four major transitional stages:
1) the phase of the destruction of the old system of political and economic relations;
2) the stage of political and economic improvisation;
3) the stage of preparation to absorb Western political and economic structures;
4) the period of adaptation and structural adjustment.
There were no clear boundaries and steadiness among them. Sometimes the stages overlapped, it means that the events combined at several stages.
From the very beginning Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia started the economic, political and social reforms under the slogan of «common Baltic House» and «Baltic Way». Common borders and histories, cultural and civilization identity helped the Baltic countries to create the Baltic sub-system that exists because of the unity of approaches to key issues [29].
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The Baltic States regained their independence at the culmination of the so-called «Singing Revolution», a series of protests in the years 1987-1991 which were partly the result of the slow collapse of the Soviet Union.
This unity was in full view on August 23, 1989, the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in which Germany and Russia agreed to divide Europe amongst themselves, with Russia receiving the Baltic States. On that day, approximately two million people stood in a row, holding hands to create a human chain alongside the road from Vilnius via Riga to Tallinn. The "Baltic Chain" was perhaps the most iconic moment of the Singing Revolution [6].
As M. Jurkynas stated in his article: "Despite the realities that followed the crisis (structural challenges such as corruption, pressures from interest groups and a lack of competitiveness at all levels), the Baltic states have managed to catapult themselves out of the Soviet space. They are no longer the 'post-Communist states', but underdeveloped Western states sharing values, stereotypes, issues, standards and even eating habits that are becoming more and more like those of Westerners"[15].
Ukraine failed to take advantage of opportunities that were open during the Soviet collapse, the unwillingness of counter élites and the «political myopia» of the establishment.
During these turbulent years of the overthrow of pro-Soviet regimes in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the Soviet Union - times of flash decisions and implementation of historical chances - there were several scenarios of transition to the new post-communist life. The first one could lead to success (it included fast reforms, democracy and economic development). The Baltic States chose that path.
The other ways included bet on the «strong hand», delaying reforms, efforts to reduce historical scores with neighbours led to the replacement of the communist dictatorship to the «new despotism». Ukraine could be called a «case on the brink». It managed to avoid the worst scenarios, but could not take full advantage of the opportunities that opened during the collapse of the USSR [28].
The Baltic States have chosen Western European model of parliamentarism and developed a particular focus on the fact that a nation is in the core of a state.
Several reasons led the Baltic States to tie up with the West: first of all, the desire to restore historical justice and wipe away the consequences of Soviet occupation and annexation. Moreover, joining the organizations that stand for the same values has strengthened the sense of security in the face of Russian influence. Finally, the EU was seen as a new Eldorado, useful both economically and socially [15].
The Baltic political elites put the responsibility for the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, forced Sovietization and deportation of 600 thousand people outside their own countries on Russia. Historical experience of coexistence with Russia, a fear of new annexation attempts by a «great neighbour» affected the attitude towards Russia and caused suspicion about its political intentions and economic cooperation. A similar period of interstate relations between Ukraine and Russia took place in 1991-1995 and is taking place now.
It should be emphasized that European countries always perceived three Baltic countries as part of the Western world, which were affected by the Soviet-German conspiracy and subsequent aggression of the USSR. Thus the United States and Britain never recognized the accession of the Baltic States into the USSR and other countries - Sweden, for example, - had to apologize officially for the hasty recognition. In other words, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia were traditionally considered as a part of the Western world and the Western European countries on this basis began constructing their relations with the Baltic countries [27].
Political Transformation in Lithuania
Lithuania was the first to declare its independence in March 1990. On the 25th of October 1992 the Democratic Labour Party of Lithuania won at the elections to the Seimas, and on the 14th of February 1993 the leader of this party Algirdas Brazauskas became the President of Lithuania. A. Brazauskas named two preconditions for the independence: firstly, Lithuania had very deep roots of statehood - since the beginning of the Xlllth century and secondly, the Lithuanians had much suffered from Stalin regime. Many of them were deported to Siberia in 1949. The same Ukraine experienced in 1920-30s [30].
Lacking not only the structures for transformation, but also statehood itself, Lithuania began completely anew in 1990. Occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union in the 1940s, Lithuania was a Soviet Republic for almost 50 years. Soviet rule had comprehensively reshaped the country, its resources, economy and above all, its people. Lithuanians often use the term "rebirth" to describe their return to statehood, which represented the starting point of transformation and set the goal of becoming a free and independent state within the community of European democracies. Political transformation progressed smoothly with few problems [23].
For the first 9 years of its post-Soviet independence, voters in Lithuania shifted from right to left and back again, swinging between the Conservatives, led by Vytautas Landsbergis and the Labour (former Communist) Party, led by former President Algirdas Brazauskas. This pattern was broken in the October 2000 elections, when the Liberal Union and New Union parties won the most votes and were able to form a centrist ruling coalition with minor partners. President Valdas Adamkus played a key role in bringing the new centrist parties together. The leader of the center-left New Union Party (also known as the Social Liberal Party), Arturas Paulauskas, became the Chairman of the Seimas, and the leader of the Liberal Union Party, Rolandas Paksas, became Prime Minister. The new coalition was fragile from the outset, as the Liberal Union was pro-business and right of centre, while the New Union had a populist and leftist orientation. The government collapsed within 7 months and, in July 2001, the center-left New Union Party forged an alliance with the left-wing Social Democratic Party and formed a new cabinet under former President Algirdas Brazauskas [11].
The new government tightened budgetary discipline, supported market reforms, and passed the legislation required to ensure entry into the European Union. Several years of solid economic growth helped to consolidate the government's popularity, despite discontent within two of its core constituencies - unskilled urban workers and farmers - who had expected more generous funding of social and agricultural programs. The government remained firmly in control, and by mid-2004 it was the longest-serving administration since the recovery of independence [11].
A little unexpected, though probably natural were the presidential elections in Lithuania, held in early January 2003. Valdis Adamkus in the second round defeated former Prime Minister of Lithuania and Vilnius mayor Rolandas Paksas.
New Lithuanian President R. Paksas claimed to continue the stated course of the foreign policy of Lithuania, which, during the presidency of V. Adamkus, received an invitation to join NATO and the European Union. R. Paksas also stated the need to strengthen ties with Russia.
Lithuania became the first country in Europe, which removed the head of state from office due to the impeachment. The experts say that the impeachment, which took place in Lithuania, is more a plus than a minus for the international reputation of the country. Lithuania passed the test for the democracy and everything was held in very strict legal norms [30].
During the years of communist control (1944-91), the economy was controlled by the government, and there were restrictions against the private ownership of property and businesses. Since the end of the communist era, Lithuania has become a regional trend-setter by aggressively pursuing economic liberalization programs [17].
Since independence from the Soviet Union, Lithuania has been attempting to radically transform the economy. This is being done by political and economic liberalization, macroeconomic stabilization, and privatization as the main elements of the transition strategy. In 1997 alone, some 200 state-owned companies were sold to private industry. By 2000, an additional US 725 million in government-owned companies were sold-off. By that same year, some two-thirds of the economy was in private hands and largely working according to the rules of a competitive market economy.
By 1998, Lithuania's economy closely resembled that of most other Western European countries. Agriculture accounted for 10 percent of the GDP, industry for 32 percent, and services for 58 percent [17].
In 1993 Lithuania became the first of the Baltic states to be free of a Russian military presence. In February 1994 the country joined the Partnership for Peace program, which was set up by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to allow for limited military cooperation between NATO and non-NATO countries [18].
Like all reform-oriented states in Eastern Europe, Lithuania experienced an economic and social crisis characterized by a sharp decline in GDP and soaring unemployment figures. The worst was over by 1994. After a slump in 1999 (the "Ruble crisis"), Lithuania's GDP has shown strong growth since 2000, unabated in the years from 2004 to 2006. Thanks to EU accession, Lithuania has managed to create a market economy that is anchored in principles of social justice and equipped with modern regulatory institutions that are nearly free of political pressures [23].
Political Transformation in Latvia
Latvia's transformation bears the hallmarks of contemporaneous political and socioeconomic transitions, particularly in terms of nation- and state-building. At the end of the 1980s, a strong movement for Latvian independence took shape against the backdrop of Mikhail Gorbachev's reform policy perestroika and the cautious liberalization of the Soviet regime. In October 1988, various reform movements joined forces to establish the Latvian Popular Front (LPF). In the 1989 elections to the USSR Congress of People's Deputies and again in the 1990 elections to the Latvian Supreme Soviet, the LPF won enough seats to force the communists from power in Latvia [22].
The Latvian government declared the country independent on 21 August, 1991. Because of the difficulty involved in deciding on a citizenship law, elections for Latvia's first postSoviet Saeima (Parliament) did not take place until June 1993. Latvia elected a new Saeima in the fall of 1995 [16].
Latvia also went through the difficult period of transformation in all spheres of social life. It conducted economic reform in 4 stages:
1) (1991-1992) - liberalization in all sectors of the economy;
2) (1992-1994) - achievement of economic stabilization;
3) (1994-1995) - the stage of economic development;
4) (1996-1999) - active structural reforms, deepening the process of stabilization and growth in all sectors of the economy [27].
The transition to a market economy in Latvia was accompanied by a serious economic crisis: gross domestic product per capita decreased by almost a half (51,1 per cent) from 1989 to 1993.
During the first years of the young republic, the government flanked this stability-oriented monetary policy with a largely successful budgetary policy. In 1997, Latvia even achieved a budget surplus for the first time. "Small" privatization proceeded at a brisk pace and was largely completed by 1998. However, the privatization of key large enterprises in the communication, energy and transportation sectors has lagged behind. The fundamental framework for free competition was already in place before 2002. After a drop in economic performance in the first half of the 1990s, the tide turned. Latvia's GDP rose constantly form 3.3% (1996) to 8.0% (2001) [22].
Latvia was also the first country in the region to embark on radical welfare state reforms. The resulting dislocation put disproportionate burden on Latvia's large Russian-speaking minority.
The nationalizing project also severely limited the minority population's access to the democratic polity. Due to Latvia's restrictive citizenship law and slow progress in naturalization, an important share of the Russian-speaking population was denied citizenship rights. In 2006 - 18 per cent of the Latvian resident population were non-citizens [4].
This position of Latvia caused a negative reaction from Russia, which began a campaign for the rights of «compatriots» abroad. Moscow repeatedly stated that it considered its relations with newly independent Baltic States primarily through the prism of their attitude to the Russian-speaking population. Since 1994 the Russian-Baltic relations have evolved under the influence of this problem and have had periods of very hard political and economic pressure especially on Estonia and Lithuania in order to force them to adopt a softer immigration laws.
A considerable raw material and energy dependence of Latvia on the supplies from Russia (fuel and non-ferrous metals - 90%, raw materials for chemical industry - 80%, electricity - 50% of total needs) allowed the Russian government to make effective policy of economic pressure [27].
Taking into account negative consequences of this situation and related comments of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities Max van der Stoel, the Latvian Saeima on the third attempt made amendments to the Citizenship Act, which lifted restrictions (so-called window of naturalization) on citizenship and also cancelled a number of restrictions on the use of Russian language and education, using the Russian language.
At this point Latvia faced a radical political and economic transition. The political transition to a multiparty democracy began with the re-adoption of the 1922 constitution and the first post-Soviet parliamentary elections in 1993. Since then, Latvia has had five parliamentary elections, all of which have been judged as free and fair by international observers. However, Latvia's extreme multipartyism has meant that government stability has been hard to come by, with governments lasting, on average, little over a year. The other major political challenges were an agreement on the withdrawal of Russian forces from Latvian territory (reached in 1994), internationally acceptable rules on the naturalization of Russian-speaking Soviet-era immigrants, and accession to the major Euro-Atlantic organizations (Latvia joined the European Union and NATO in 2004) [22].
Political Transformation in Estonia
Political and economic transformation in Estonia began with advent of Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost policies within the Soviet Union. Although the Soviet republic's Communist Party initially resisted reform, civic and intellectual leaders used the opening to mobilize the population around a range of grievances, including industrial pollution, the constant influx of Russian workers, Russification and economic degradation. These issues soon coalesced into an even bigger movement for Estonian independence. In
March 1990, the republic declared its formal intention to restore independence. Actual release from the Soviet Union came in August 1991 [21].
On 20 August, 1991 Estonia declared itself independent of the USSR. In 1992 a constitutional assembly introduced amendments to the 1938 Constitution. After the draft Constitution was approved by popular referendum, it came into effect 3 July 1992. Elections for the new Parliament and president were held on 20 September 1992, with Lennart Meri as victor.
On 5 March 1995, Estonia held its second parliamentary elections since achieving independence from the USSR. The center-left Coalition Party/Rural Union alliance won an impressive victory, taking 41 seats in the 101-seat Parliament [10].
As the newly independent Estonia struggled to prove its economic and political viability in the face of Russia's attempts to secure influence over a former sister-republic through economic and, to a lesser extent, political pressure.
Estonia has quickly enacted political changes and transformed itself into a model democracy, consistently receiving high scores in Freedom House's Freedom in the World survey. However, the parliament adopted citizenship and language laws requiring all post-war immigrants and their descendants to apply for citizenship and meet minimum naturalization requirements, including two years of residence and knowledge of Estonian, the only recognized official language. These rules have been criticized on the grounds that they disenfranchised many residents and discriminated against the Russian-speaking population. Still, many Estonians considered the requirements an essential means of restoring independence[7].
Estonia's economic transformation is considered among the most notable in Central and Eastern Europe. Since its independence in 1991, Estonia has made significant and rapid progress in its transition to a market economy. A combination of key policies, including commitment to privatization, adoption of an independent currency, establishment of an extremely open trading regime, and successful attraction of foreign investment, have made Estonia one of the success stories of the region. As a result, Estonia was one of five Central European countries recently invited by the European Union for membership talks [19].
In the economic development of Estonia three clearly distinguished stages can be revealed: 1) collapse of the socialist economic system in late eighties resulting in tremendous economic decline at the beginning of nineties (approximately the years 1989-1993, 2) recovery from the economic recession and stabilisation of the situation (1994-1996), followed by 3) intensive economic growth (since 1997, except the years of so called 'Russian crisis' in 1998-1999) when the average annual GDP growth has been over 6% [24].
Despite all the difficulties, Estonia can be noticed as the most successful among other Baltic States.
In 1999, Estonia joined the World Trade Organization, adding to its previous membership in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
In November 2002, Estonia was one of seven Central and East European countries to be invited to join NATO; it officially became a member on March 29, 2004. Since reestablishing independence, Estonia has proven itself to be an excellent ally, having built a military capable of participating in ever more complex and distant military operations.
European Union (EU) accession negotiations proceeded rapidly, and Estonia joined the EU in May 2004, along with nine other countries, including its Baltic neighbours. The final decision was conditional on the outcome of a national referendum, which was held in September 2003 and returned a large majority in favour of membership. Estonia joined the Schengen zone in December 2007 and adopted the euro as its currency in January 2011[1].
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Conclusions:
The Baltic States have succeeded in becoming members of the EU and NATO. Estonia has led the Baltics in their transition, and has consistently built up a positive image. The Estonian authorities have been determined and have maintained a restrictive financial policy, allowing the country to meet the Maastricht criteria despite the global economic crisis. It entered the euro zone in January 2011. Although the crisis forced Latvia to postpone plans to adopt the euro, it nevertheless efficiently and effectively coped with the crisis after an EC and IMF-led bailout.
Over the last two decades, it is difficult to identify a loser among the Baltic States, especially when compared to other former Soviet republics, which are faced with serious problems on the road to democratization. The Baltic States, despite their divergence after independence, have transformed successfully [6].
Ukrainian policy formation and strengthening of the Baltic vector is closely related to addressing the problems of sub-regional and European integration in terms that have many features in common, namely:
- Baltic States had a special place among the newly independent states. They carried out independent policy and opposed the restoration of any form of the former Soviet Union. Ukraine had the same position;
- Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, as well as Ukraine, for some period of time existed in the historical framework of the Russian and then Soviet empires. After the collapse of the Soviet Union they had to solve a complex of difficult economic, political and social issues taking into account unavoidable politics of its historical neighbour - the Russian Federation;
- They have common borders with Russia and a significant number of Russian-speaking population reside on their territories;
- Economics of the Baltic States had been largely focused on Russia, and therefore energy and raw material dependence on Russia forced the governments of these countries to search for ways out of this situation;
- The withdrawal of Russian troops outside their national territories and creation of their own armed forces were the issues to be solved for a long time.
The Baltic States have achieved a great success in the use of their transit potential and constantly increase efforts in this direction, they consistently implemented their policy of integration into European and Euro-Atlantic structures and achieved in this very tangible successes.
Ukraine is now facing the most dramatic period in its independent history. Using the experience of the Baltic states in conducting the reforms in different spheres of its life (political, economic, social and security), it can as well reach the success. Taking into account the Baltic experience, Ukraine should adapt it to the current realities and make its own path to become a developed democratic state and in future a full member of the European Union and NATO.
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Статта нaдiйшлa дo peдaкцii 18.11.2014 p.
М.Л. Гладиш
ПОЛ1ТИЧНА ТРАНСФОРМАЦ1Я В KPAIHAX БАЛТП. ДОСВ1Д ДЛЯ
УКРА1НИ
У cmammi досл1джуються трансформацию процеси в кра'тах Балти в icmopuHHiu pempocneKmuei eid початку 90-х poKie до 2004 року, коли Ц держави стали повноправними членами НАТО та Свропейського Союзу. Особлива увага придшена питанням сустльно-полтичног трансформаци, створення держав з розвиненим парламентаризмом, верховенством права та особливим наголосом на тому, що ноЫем деpжaвнocmi е нащя. Визначено, що за роки проведення реформ крагни Балти пройшли принаймт чотири основних nеpехiднuх етатв:1) етап руйнування старог системи полтичних i екoнoмiчнuх вiднocuн; 2) етап полтичног та екoнoмiчнo'г iмnpoвiзaцli; 3) етап тдготовки до ттеграци в европейськ полтичт i екoнoмiчнi структури; 4) етап адаптаци i структурног перебудови. Анaлiзуеmьcя неpiвнoмipнicmь проведення реформ в трьох балттських крагнах, гх досягнення та труднощi, зокрема тдкреслюеться, що Естотя була найстштшою з трьох балттських крагн у проведенш реформ i досягненш суттевих pезульmamiв. Висвтлено стльн проблеми, як icнували як в крагнах Балти та в Украш (зокрема, комплекс складних екoнoмiчнuх, полтичних сощальних проблем, ят вони отримали в спадок тсля розпаду Радянського Союзу, стльн кордони з Ростською Федеращею, значна частина ростськомовного населення на свогх mеpumopiях, енергетична та сировинна залежтсть вiд Pocii та 1нш1) та
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ISSN 2226-2830 В1СНИК МАР1УПОЛЬСЬКОГО ДЕРЖАВНОГО УН1ВЕРСИТЕТУ СЕР1Я: 1СТОР1Я. ПОЛ1ТОЛОГ1Я, 2014, ВИП. 11
подано рекомендацИ щодо того, як Украгна може використати балттсъкий досвгд у провадження трансформацтних реформ.
Ключов1 слова: трансформащя, полтична трансформащя, економ1чна трансформащя, крагни Балти, Украгна.
РЕЦЕНЗЕНТИ: Трофименко М.В., к.полт.н, доц.; Хома Н.М., д.полт.н, проф.
УДК 327.82
I.A. Дужа
НОВ1 ВИКЛИКИ ГЛОБАЛЬНОМУ Л1ДЕРСТВУ США В АЗШСЬКО-ТИХООКЕАНСЬКОМУ РЕГ1ОН1
У статт1 розглядаетъся питання глобалъного значення Азтсъко-Тихоокеансъкого регюну для США на поч. XXI ст. Шдкреслюетъся особлива вага взаемов1дносин США i держав АСЕАН, як1 маютъ стлъш ттереси в полтичнш, економiчнiй сферах в АТР, а також питаннях мiжнародно'г безпеки. Значна увага придшяетъся розгляду причин втрати лiдерсъких позицт США у регюш та новим можливостям для гх вiдновлення.
Ключов1 слова: США, АТР, Обама, зовшшня полтика, стратегiя, лiдерство, глобалъна економжа, мiжнародна безпека
Азшсько-Тихоокеанський perioH (АТР) - найбшьш динам1чний perioH св1ту з точки зору темтв його розвитку. Наприкшщ першого десяташття XXI ст., 3i змшою влади у Сполучених Штатах, новим главою держави, кoлишнiм кандидатом вщ демократично! паpтii Б. Обамою було проголошено курс на посилення лщерських пoзицiй саме у даному репош. Так, уже на початку 2009 р. США робить акцент на Азiатськo-Тихooкeанський репон, як пpiopитeт №1, який е одним з найважливiших perioнiв свiту, що перетворився на центр св^ово! пoлiтики та економши. Цей reoпoлiтичний поворот викликав у наукових колах значний резонанс i дав тдстави по-новому поглянути на свiтoвe майбутне. Так, у сучасному АТР сходяться штереси провщних держав i мають мiсцe найважливiшi процеси глобального значення. Так, ключовою тенденщею oстаннiх дeсятилiть у аpхiтeктуpi мiжнаpoдних вiднoсин визнаеться змiщeння центру св^ового розвитку в Азiатськo-Тихooкeанський репон. Американський вибip пpiopитeтiв партнерства на його користь лише тдтверджуе цей факт. Водночас, прихщ США до АТР е дещо несвоечасним з точки зору його стзнення. Внаслщок фактичного eкoнoмiчнoro пiдйoму Азii центр розвитку, мiжнаpoднoro спiвpoбiтництва та суперництва вже кардинально змютився. АТР все бшьше стае двигуном свiтoвoi цившзацп, роль якого протягом п'яти останшх стoлiть виконувала Свропа. 1снуе усталена думка, що XXI ст. - це не стшття Америки чи Свропи, а час Азп. У даних умовах США як однополюсний безальтернативний свповий лiдep не може залишатися осторонь цих пpoцeсiв, оскшьки без пpавильнoro передбачення майбутнiх процеав роль наддержави буде остаточно втрачена.
Нова чинна адмшютращя Бiлoro Дому зробила вибip на користь АТР. У американському ютеблшменп пepeкoнанi, що якщо рашше, Свропа, пoдii в якш, пoлiтика яко! i боротьба за контроль в якш визначала змют св^ово! iстopii, зараз перестае ввдгравати центральну роль для Сполучених Шта^в, як це було на вах пoпepeднiх етапах iстopii. Транстихоокеансью вiднoсини стають ключовим ядром
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