Latin sources on the missionary activity of the Franciscans in the Golden Horde in the reign of khan Uzbek (1313–1341) Текст научной статьи по специальности «История и археология»

YflK 930.272

LATIN SOURCES ON THE MISSIONARY ACTIVITY OF THE FRANCISCANS IN THE GOLDEN HORDE IN THE REIGN OF KHAN UZBEK (1313-1341)1

Roman Hautala

Sh.Marjani Institute of History, Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan Kazan, Republic of Tatarstan, Russian Federation University of Oulu Oulu, Finland romanhautala@gmail.com

Abstract. The author of this article examines the details of interaction of a heterogeneous population of the Golden Horde with Catholic missionaries who deployed their most intense activity aimed at converting local nomads to Christianity during the reign of khan Uzbek (1313-1341). The details of this contact come to light by analyzing the little-known missionary reports from the Golden Horde as well as Papal letters to its rulers, and narratives of the Franciscan chroniclers in Europe who received information about the development of missionary work in Jochid ulus from their fellows in the East. These, for the most part, synchronous sources point to a continuation of the policy of religious tolerance traditional for the Chinggisids even during the apparent strengthening of Islam in the Golden Horde. Khan Uzbek's tolerance earned praise from the Avignon curia and promoted active diplomatic relations with Popes John XXII and his successor Benedict XII. A more important consequence of the Golden Horde khan's favor of Christians was an intensification of the missionary activity in his domains leading to close contacts of the Franciscans with the local population, which are reflected in the Latin sources considered in this study. These sources, hitherto known only to a narrow circle of specialists in the history of Catholic missionary work in the Middle Ages, contain valuable information about the circumstances of this contact and deserve a detailed analysis by the researchers of the Golden Horde history, since in contrast to "external" Persian and Arab chronicles (undoubtedly containing important information about internal policy of khan Uzbek) missionary sources reflect the views "from within" of Jochid ulus and contain information about the daily life of its inhabitants.

First published in Crusaders, Missionaries and Eurasian Nomads in the 13th-14th Centuries: A Century of Interactions, Victor Spinei (ed.), Florilegium Magistrorum Historiae Archaeologiaeque Antiquitatis et Medii Aevi, XXI, Bucuresti, Editura Academiei Romane; Brailei, Editura Istros a Muzeului Brailei "Carol I", 2017, no. 11, p. 245-266.

I express my special gratitude to Stephen Pow who did not spare his valuable time to carefully proofread the draft of this article. Of course, only the author of this article remains fully responsible for those potential errors that can be identified after its publication.

Keywords: relations between the Mongol Empire and Medieval Europe, Golden Horde history, Catholic missionary work in the medieval East, Franciscan apostolate among nomads, medieval missionary sources, Papal bulls.

For citation: Roman Hautala. Latin Sources on the Missionary Activity of the Franciscans in the Golden Horde in the Reign of Khan Uzbek (1313-1341). Tyurkologicheskie issledovaniya = Turkological Studies. 2019; 2(1): 13-35.

Uzbek Khan's reign in the Golden Horde (1313-1341) coincided with a period that saw the strengthening of Islam in its urban centers. This has been abundantly described in numerous Persian and Arab sources that provide detailed information about internal political developments in the Jochid ulus. This article, in turn, focuses on Latin sources known only to a narrow circle of researchers of Catholic missionary activity in the medieval East. Nevertheless, they contain valuable information about everyday life in the Golden Horde, which is primarily concerned with the authors of these sources - namely, the Franciscan Friars who endeavored to preach the Gospel in the Jochid ulus in parallel with Muslim proselytism. As will be shown below, this activity was connected with the contacts between Golden Horde rulers and the Avignon curia.

However, the most crucial prerequisite for Western missionary activity in the Golden Horde was the policy of religious tolerance practiced by Jochid rulers that did not escape the attention of Catholic authors. In particular, in his "Petition" addressed in 1294 to Pope Celestine V, the famous Catalan theoretician of Catholic missionary activity, Ramon Llull, called on the Roman Pontiff and the Cardinals to make efforts in order to intensify the preaching of the Gospel among "Tartars" and pointed to the likely consequences of what could happen if his appeal was not heard: "Tatars" could adopt "their own law as Mahomet did", or, even worse, the Saracens or Jews might be able to convert them to their religion which would turn into a "great danger to Christianity". Llull optimistically preceded this gloomy forecast with assurance that the Tatars' conversion to Christianity should not cause particular difficulties for Western missionaries owing to the absence of an indigenous religion among Tatars and, more importantly, because they allowed individuals to "preach Christ's faith in their land" and anyone who would want to become a Christian among them could do so "without fear of the ruler"1.

In turn, the Hungarian Franciscan Iohanca describing his six-year missionary activity on the territory of modern Bashkortostan, pointed in his letter of 1320 to the absence among the "Tartars" of any particular interest regarding what religion their subordinate nations professed. In Iohanca's words, "Tartars" allowed the local Christian inhabitants "to remain in compliance with their law and their faith" on

1 "Etiam esset conveniens, quod Ecclesia faceret suum posse ad conquirendum Tartaros per disputationem; quae conquisitio esset facilis, quia non habent legem, et quia permittunt in illorum terra praedicari fidem Christi, et etiam quicunque vult, potest esse Christianus absque timore dominii: et ista ordinatio est multum necessaria, quia si Tartari faciunt legem sicut fecit Mahomet, vel Saraceni vel Judaei poterunt illos convertere ad illorum legem et tota Christianitas erit in magno periculo" [12, p. 374].

the condition they paid the appropriate tribute and taxes and performed secular and military services1.

The Franciscans of Caffa, too, pointed out in their letter to Europe in 1323 that "Tartars" complied with the principles of religious tolerance and allowed the existence in their dominions "of all sects, faiths and religious men"2. Thirteen years later, the Umbrian Franciscan Giovanni Elemosina noted the same aspect of Uzbek Khan's domestic policy. In his "Book of Numerous Stories" (Liber ystorie plurime) he explained Tatar tolerance by intervention of Divine Providence and perceived their confessional tolerance as a sign of a particularly favorable attitude towards Christianity in comparison to other world religions3.

Of course, the approval of a special predisposition of Uzbek to Christianity and Catholic missionaries gives rise to justifiable doubts, since during the reign of this Golden Horde khan, the spread of Islam was far ahead of the successes of Western missionaries, especially in local urban centers. However, Uzbek's Muslim sympathies and his personal conversion to Islam did not prevent the Golden Horde ruler from choosing the same line of religious tolerance that his predecessors had adhered to and granting the local Franciscans yarlik (literally "privilege") with the same permission of free movement throughout his domain and unhindered preaching of "Christian law" to his subjects, which had been previously granted to Catholic missionaries by khans Mengu-Timur and Toqta4.

Catholic missionaries in the Golden Horde immediately took advantage of Uzbek's permission. In particular, the Hungarian Franciscan Iohanca reported in his letter to the Minister General of his Order that he went to preach the Gospel in the territory of modern Bashkortostan the very same year that permission was

1 "Nam diuersas naciones sibi potencia prelii de populis xristianis Tartari subiecerunt, quos permanere sinunt in sue legis et fidei obseruanciis, non curantes vel modicum quis quam sectam tenuerit: sic vt in temporalibus seruiciis, tributibus et vectigalibus ac sequelis bellicis suis faciant dominis, ad que obligantur secundum edictam legis" [4, p. 66].

2 "For they tolerate all sects and faiths and religious men among them, so long as in secular things they act as they are bound to do by the custom of the country" ("omnes enim sectas et leges inter se sinunt pacienter et spirituales, ita quod in temporalibus suis faciant in quibus iure terre illius religantur") [16, p. 365 (English text); 17, p. 111 (Latin text)].

3 "... Deo providente, quadam naturali mansuetudine eis infusa, adeo commutati fuerunt a furia sua et feritate, et in bonitatem conversi, gentes quas submiserant, caritate et curialitate regere et fovere ceperunt. Et libere concesserunt nationibus leges suas servare, et culturam suam agere secundum ritum antiquorum suorum, et terras suas possidere in pace, solum quod domino Tartarorum obedirent et censum ei persolverent. Sed precipue Christianis concesserunt ista, et benignitate multa tractabant eos, concedendo eis ut fidem Yhesu Christi libere predicarent ubicumque, et quicumque christianus vellet fieri, libere possit" [13, p. 120].

4 "Istud priuilegium tenentes sacerdotes latini qui suo more se fratres minores appellant, vt videlicet animo tranquillo consistentes, deum rogando, benedictionem faciendo incedant, priuilegium quod dederat Culuk progenitor noster et successor eius, frater noster senior, inperator, nos eciam nunc dedimus secundum eundem tenorem, priuilegium scilicet quod deum suum orando xristi servi, dicti sacerdotes latini, legem xristianam multis dicendo ambulent" [4, p. 65].

See identification of Usbek's predecessors mentioned in this charter in: [18, p. 58-60; 19, p. 93, nota 104; 20, p. 350; 10, p. 97].

granted, 13141. While describing the circumstances of the deployment of Catholic missionary work throughout the territory of the Jochid ulus, Iohanca extolled those of his Order's fellows who endeavored to preach the Gospel in the steppe following the "camps of Tartars"2. At the same time, Friar Iohanca did not mention any obstacles presented by the Golden Horde administration. Also, another Franciscan letter of 1323 pointed to an equally extensive freedom of action and described the significant missionary progress of Minorites in the Crimea and beyond, which was brought about by the daily preaching of the Gospel among the local nomads:

"We believe that nearly a third part of the aforesaid empire (not by our merits, but by the help of God and the interposition of our care, lest we should say it with a certain boasting, which God forbid! but we assert it from a simple zeal for the truth) has received the light of our faith kindly and is daily receiving it ... But often as we follow the camps, from the mere care of so much work there is no time to taste food until the stars are shining"3.

In turn, the Roman Pontiffs did not fail to express their appreciation to Uzbek. In his first letter to the khan of March 28, 1318, Pope John XXII warmly thanked the Golden Horde ruler for the favorable treatment of Christians in his empire and insistently urged him to adhere to this attitude in the future with a special appeal to favorably treat the preachers of "the word of God"4. Five years later, Pope John XXII reproduced almost unchanged the content of this letter [7, a. 1323, § 2, p. 202], and 20 years later his successor, Pope Benedict XII, thanked

1 In his letter written in 1320, Friar Iohanca reported that he remained "in Baschardia continuously for six years": "Cum enim ego frater Iohanca cum duobus fratribus hungaris et vno anglico ascendissemus vsque in Baschardiam, nacionem mangnam Tartaris subiectam, duobus fratribus Hungaris pro fidei negociis a nobis recedentibus, ego cum dicto anglico, nomine Willelmo per 6 annos continue conmorati sumus" [4, p. 67].

2 "Nouerit pia paternitas vestra quod pro nomine xristi laborare volentibus, castra Tartarorum sequendo, fructus est maximus animarum, ita quod baptizando et confirmando, predicando et informando, confessando et confortando quasi continue vacamus, crebribus et comuniter vsque ad profundam noctem, quoniam in aliquibus partibus populus xristianus in tantum multiplicatur, quod vix modo, iudicio nostro, parum vltra medietatem de infidelibus extant" [4, p. 66].

3 "ut credimus, pars tertia fere inperii prelibati non nostris meritis set dei ausiliis et nostris interpositis curie ne iactantia quadam, quod absit, set solo veritatis asserimus zelo, lucem nostre fidei benigne suscepit et indies sic recepit ... set crebro castra sequentes ob diligenciam meram tante occupacionis gustare victum non vacat usque ad lucentes stellas" [16, p. 361 (English text); 17, p. 107 (Latin text)].

4 "Laetanter audivimus, quod tu non absque speciali motione divina ob reverentiam Christi Ihesu divini Salvatoris religionis christianae cultores infra imperii tui terminos constitutes benigno favore prosequeris et pertractas ... Celsitudinem tuam in Domino deprecamur, quatenus ad christianae fidei professores, qui dominationis tuae terram inhabitant et maxime qui praedicant inibi verbum Dei, sic tuae benignitatis affectum continues ipsos operosis favoribus prosequendo, quod tua protecti defensionis clypeo cuiuscunque offensionis molimina non formident, quin potius assidue securitatis dulcedine valeant glorian" [5, no. 318, p. 148].

the khan for the same favorable attitude both in his letter addressed to Uzbek June 13, 1338 [6, no. 91, p. 60] as well as in the bull of October 31, 13381.

In his next letter to Uzbek of August 17, 1340, Pope Benedict XII yet again thanked khan for a favorable attitude to the "Catholic Christians obeying the Roman Church" as well as for the permission to "build churches and preach the word of God" granted to missionaries - something which was granted, according to the Pope, in response to his own "exhortations and requests"2.

This papal bull contained a response to the only known embassy of Uzbek in Avignon headed by the former consul of Caffa (literally, "lord of Caffa") Petrano dell'Orto and his companion Alberto, as well as Franciscan Elia from Hungary who acted as a messenger of Uzbek's eldest son, Tinibek. According to Benedict XII, the Golden Horde ruler's envoys notified the Pope both about a failed assassination attempt on Uzbek by some "most worthless men" who besieged the khan in his "palace set on fire during the night" as well as about an equally unsuccessful attempt of unnamed conspirators to lay the blame for this attempt on local Christians. Next, the Pope warmly thanked khan for the fact that "inspired by Divine wisdom" he found this accusation "false and defamatory" and released Christians "in peace and freedom as the innocent in this crime" (except for three of them whose guilt was probably proved in the course of investigation)3.

However, a more weighty underlying reason for this embassy was probably the desire of the Golden Horde ruler to peacefully settle the looming conflict with Poland and Hungary caused by the intention of the Polish king Casimir III the Great to attach Galicia to his possessions [14, p. 213-214]. In particular, the Pope mentioned in his bull the khan's concern about the increased number of clashes

1 "Dudum ad notitiam nostram placida relatione perducto, quod tu inspiratus a Domino, qui numquam cessat a benedictionibus gratiarum, christianos in tuo degentes imperio et ad illud etiam accedentes favore benignitatis et mansuetudinis pertractabas, multos eis impendendo favores nihilominus et opportuna privilegia concedendo: Nos haec et alia bona per te eisdem christianis gratiose impensa regratiando tuae celsitudini et ad ea continuanda exhortando attentius per litteras nostras magnificentiae tuae scripsisse meminimus" [6, no. 97c, p. 64].

2 "exhortationibus et precibus nostris, quibus christianos catholicos et Romanae obedientes ecclesiae in tuo degentes imperio benevolentiae tuae commendavimus, favorabiliter annuens, erga christianos eosdem tuae magnitudinis liberalitatem et gratias ampliasti, eis reparandi nihilominus et aedificandi ecclesias et loca ecclesiastica necnon antistitibus et religiosis catholicis praedicandi verbum Dei et sacramenta ecclesiastica iuxta ritum et morem sanctae Romanae ecclesiae, matris omnium fidelium et magistrae, ministrandi licentia liberali concessa" [6, no. 124, p. 78].

3 "cum aliqui nequissimi homines sceleris nefandissimi patratores, proditoriis et temerariis ausibus intentata tibi morte, te in tuo palatio igne supposito nocturno tempore obsedissent et christianis praedictis falso imponere patrationem huiusmodi sceleris niterentur, tu, divino auxilio feliciter ab huiusmodi periculo liberatus et recordatus precum et exhortationum nostrarum praedictarum ac impositionem praedictam esse falsam et calumniosam Dei sapientia inspiratus attendens, praefatos christianos tamquam de huiusmodi scelere innocentes (tribus tantum exceptis, qui maligno seducti spiritu se cum nequissimis patratoribus sceleris eiusdem immiscuisse dicebantur) tandem, facta de aliis eiusdem facinoris patratoribus iustitia, sub tuae serenitatis gratia in pacis et libertatis dimisisti quiete" [6, no. 124, p. 78].

between the khan's subordinates and subjects of the kings of Hungary and Poland and he assured Uzbek that he would have use his influence both to pause border conflicts and to compensate the khan's damages if the men of both the Christian monarchs should cause him "injustice or wrong"1.

Thus, the Franciscan apostolate in the Uzbek's domain developed in parallel with diplomatic relations between the Golden Horde and the Papal curia and Catholic missionaries did not miss the opportunity to emphasize the geopolitical importance of their activities in the East. Already Ramon Llull advised Pope Celestine V in the above-mentioned "Petition" of 1294 to establish a permanent pan-European tithe for the "conquest of the lands of infidels and ultramarine Holy Land" and he considered missionary activity just as important for European territorial expansion as preparations for a pan-European crusade2. In their letter addressed in 1323 to Avignon cardinals and the leadership of their Order, the Franciscans of Caffa pointed to all the strategic benefits that Christianity could derive from the "complete conversion" of Uzbek's empire and the subsequent use of a new ally in the fight against the Saracens:

"Therefore let anyone who is zealous for Christ think how much good may result for the whole of Christendom, if the Lord will continue this grace begun, since, after the complete conversion of that empire, the Saracen power would be of no weight, enclosed and walled in between the Tartar empire on one side and the Greek and Italian, or Latin, on the other side, and other Christian kingdoms"3.

At the same time, the Franciscans emphasized that the conversion of the Golden Horde was something to be expected in the near future thanks to the successes they had already achieved in their missionary activities in Uzbek's domain. The aforementioned Friar Iohanca claimed in his letter in 1320 that the number of Christians "in some parts" of the Jochid ulus amounted to nearly half

1 "Et insuper, cum, sicut intelleximus, inter tuos et carissimorum in Christo filiorum nostrorum Hungariae et Poloniae regum officiales et subditos in confiniis imperii tui et regnorum regum praedictorum quandoque suscitari contingat dissensiones et guerras, ex quibus strages hominum, lapsus rerum et animarum amarius deploranda pericula subsequuntur, velit tua sublimitas ab invasione regnorum praedictorum desistere, quia, si reges praedicti inferrent tibi vel tuis inuirias indebitas vel offensas et id nobis duxeris intimandum, haec per reges ipsos praecabimur facere, quantum cum Deo poterimus, tibi et tuis rationabiliter emendari" [6, no. 124, p. 78].

2 "Thesaurus corporalis est, quod vos sancte Pater Papa, et vos Domini Cardinales assignaretis semper decimam Ecclesiae, et quod fieret Decretum ad conquirendum terras infidelium, et Sanctam Terram ultramarinam, et hoc per vim armorum; et de hac decima daretur missio Domino Cardinali, qui tractaret studia, et residuum daretur alteri Domino Cardinali, qui faceret missiones guerris, et hoc continuo, usque dum totus mundus esset Christianorum" [12, p. 374].

3 "Mente igitur quilibet xpisti zelator aduertat, quantum bonum xpistianitati toti proueniat, si dominus hanc inceptam gratiam continuet, cum, illo inperio perfecte conuerso, nullius momenti foret potentia saracenica, que inter illud ex vna parte et gregum ac ytalicum siue latinum ex alia et regna alia xristiana interclusa est et vallata" [16, p. 363 (English text); 17, p. 109 (Latin text)].

of the local population1. We ought to compare this claim with the above-referenced letter of 1323 in which the Franciscans of Caffa stated that thanks to their work almost a third of Uzbek's empire "received the light" of the Christian faith2.

These statements, of course, contain obvious exaggeration of missionary successes as is indicated by a statement of fact contained in the same letter that the Franciscans had given up "twenty-two stations with residences because of the paucity of Brothers"3.

The shortage of Catholic missionaries in the East was probably the first reason predetermining an ultimate overall failure of the Christian apostolate among the Golden Horde nomads. In 1320, Brother Iohanca confirmed the statement of the Crimean Franciscans4 and he encouraged his fellows remaining in Europe to apply their "book wisdom acquired with so many efforts and sleeplessness" in the East, so that it would not seem to "be buried at home" without any benefit5.

The weakness of the West's response to Iohanca's call and how few Franciscan reinforcements came from Europe can be judged by the permission of Pope John XXII given in November 1321 to the Latin Bishop of Caffa, Jerome of Catalonia, "to assume three brothers of the Order of Minorites and to take them with him to those parts"6. The following year, the Minister General of the Order of Friars Minor Michele da Cesena granted permission to "Friar Henry of Saxony from the Province of Vicariate of Northern Tartary" to take with him "two Italian

1 "ita quod baptizando et confirmando, predicando et informando, confessando et confortando quasi continue vacamus, crebribus et comuniter vsque ad profundam noctem, quoniam in aliquibus partibus populus xristianus in tantum multiplicatur, quod vix modo, iudicio nostro, parum vltra medietatem de infidelibus extant" [4, p. 66].

2 "ut credimus, pars tertia fere inperii prelibati non nostris meritis set dei ausiliis et nostris interpositis curie ne iactantia quadam, quod absit, set solo veritatis asserimus zelo, lucem nostre fidei benigne suscepit et indies sic recepit" [17, p. 107].

3 "Loci autem mansionum viginti et duo dimisimus propter fratrem paucitatem" [16, p. 365 (English text); 17, p. 111 (Latin text)].

4 "pauci enim sumus pro locis seruandis et aliqua dimisimus" [4, p. 70].

5 "et aduertant hec fratres verissima, et quid pro xristo attemptent illi precipue, qui quanto sunt excellencioris sciencie, qua in suis prouinciis quasi parum curantur, maioris ibi essent vtilitatis et eminencie, qui magis eximie scilicet sunt intelligencie: ideo videant quid facto opus sit, ne eorum literalis sapiencia, tot laboribus vigiliisque conquista, domi rectissime quasi sit sepulta, cum ibi, scilicet apud nos, foret velud ardens lucerna" [4, p. 70].

6 "Cum in Aquilonari Tartaria, in qua episcopatus tuus Caphensis constitutus existit, multa sit messis, operarii vero pauci, et propter hoc iuxta desiderii tui fervorem circa salutem proficere nequeas animarum, fraternitati tuae, quod recipiendi tres fratres ordinis Minorum, cuius professor existis, quos de quacunque provincia de consilio [ministri] generalis eiusdem ordinis vel provincialis illius provinciae, de qua fratres ipsi fuerint, duxeris eligendos, volentes ad partes illas accedere, qui sub tua degentes obedientia ministerium praedicationis et alia, quae ad cultum divinum pertineant et profectum respiciant animarum, exercere, tibique in iis, quae pastoralis incumbunt officii, fideliter et solerter assistere valeant (dum tamen ad hoc idonei, in scriptura sacra sufficienter instructi et laudabilis existant conversationis in vitae, super quibus tuam et generalis et provincialis praedictorum intendimus conscientias onerare), recipere et tecum pro praemissis ad partes illas adducere possis, plenam tibi concedimus tenore praesentium postestatem" [5, no. 448, p. 213].

brothers suitable for the parts of said Tartary and four from any Transalpine province"1.

Undoubtedly, such minimal reinforcements could not meet the increased need for the catechization of neophytes in the East and in 1323 the Franciscans of Caffa clearly pointed to the lack of personnel "for the ministration of the sacraments and teaching of the rudiments, doctrines, and examples of the faith, and for baptising"2. It was obviously this consideration which prompted the Franciscans of Caffa to address the cardinals of the Avignon curia with an appeal to promote the influx of new missionaries to the East to look after "the neophytes and their constancy in the faith":

"We ask you in the Lord, our holy lords the Bishops of the Latin Church, and all religious men and all clerks, that in all your public and private prayers, which you pour forth with sweet tears for us and for all the people, you will think fit to draw attention to the shortness of our life (which we know because we are continuously exposed to numberless dangers, and because of which we are so eager for the arrival of others, that the work begun may not perish), and also to the neophytes here and to their constancy"3.

There is no doubt that one of the main goals of the Franciscan reports on their activities in the Golden Horde was to encourage by all possible means their fellows arriving to their aid. Therefore, their claims of large-scale missionary achievements and rosy prospects for future activity did not necessarily correspond to reality and rather were aimed at prompting the European Franciscans in making decisions to extend their reach beyond the Latin world [14, p. 261]. Thus, the statement on converting "almost the third part" of Uzbek's empire should be treated with caution. But neither should we underestimate the achievements of Franciscans in the Golden Horde because they achieved some success in earning, in any case, explicit sympathies among Jochid elite and they were even able to convert to their faith some of its representatives.

1 "In Christo sibi karissimo fratri Henrico de Saxonia in provincia vicarie Tartarie aquilonaris, frater Michael, ordinis fratrum minorum generalis minister et seruus, salutem et pacem in domino sempiternam. Profitibus exaltacionis fidei et diminucioni paganitatis in vicaria ordinis predicta, libenti animo, vt condecet me cooptans, tenore presentis duxi concedendum et volo, quatinus duos fratres ytalicos pro partibus Tartarie predicte ydoneos et quatuor de qualibet montana prouincia, ex deuocionis affectu voluntarios ad eundem possis assumere" [4, p. 70].

2 "so that - alas that we are so few! - occupying as yet scarcely a tenth part of it, we, though gathered from many lands, are by no means enough for the ministration of the sacraments and teaching of the rudiments, doctrines, and examples of the faith, and for baptising" ("heu nostre paruitati in decima vix parte nos adhuc ibi existentes, licet multis ex terris collecti, nequaquam sufficimus pro ministrandis sacramentis atque fidei rudimentis, doctrinis et exemplis docendo ac baptizando") [16, p. 361 (English text); 17, p. 107 (Latin text)].

3 "Vos in domino rogamus, o sancti domini nostri Ecclesie latine prelati et religiosi omnes atque cuncti clerici, ut in vestris puplicis et orationibus secretis, quas cum dulcibus lacrimis pro nobis et toto populo effunditis, breuitatem vite nostre [cogitetis] quam scimus, quia innumeris iugiter exposita periculis, et propter quam aduentum sic affectamus aliorum, ne pereat opus inceptum, ac eciam ibi neoffitos in fide et eorum constanciam dingnemini recomendare" [16, p. 366 (English text); 17, p. 112 (Latin text)].

Thus, in his bull of October 31, 1338, Pope Benedict XII called Franciscan Elia the Hungarian "the approximate of the admirable man, Tinibek, first-born of the magnificent ruler Uzbek, the emperor of Tartars" and praised him for showing to Uzbek's heir "the way of salvation" while also urging him "to provide protection" to the local Christians1. Friar Elia still belonged to Tinibek's entourage two years later when he was sent to Avignon by Uzbek's eldest son in the capacity of his personal envoy as reported by Pope Benedict XII in his letter to Tinibek of August 17, 1340 which contained an appeal to continue to rely on his "salutary advice and healthful persuasions"2.

In turn, Giovanni Elemosina wrote, circa 1335, in his "Book of the Stories of the Holy Roman Church" (Liber Historiarum S. Romane Ecclesie) that the Catholic apostolate began to develop promptly in the Golden Horde after the conversion to Christianity "of one great king of Tartars who believed in Christ due to a great miracle operated by God" and who was baptized by Friars Minor along with many other Tartars3. For their part, the anonymous "Reports on the Martyrs and Convents of Friars Minor in the East" (Relationes de Martytibus et de Conventibus fratrum Minorum in Oriente), written between 1314 and 1329, called this "king of Tartars" "Coktoganus" and informed that he was baptized by Friars Minor "along with queen, his mother, named Thodothelia and his wife named Kerley as well as three sons, that is, Georgius, Curamas, Abusta"4.

1 "Fide dignorum placido relatu percepimus, quod tu familiaribus spectabilis viri Tynybech, primogeniti magnifici principis Usbech imperatoris Tartarorum et magni filii Chyscam, insistens obsequiis eidem primogenito, quantum potes commode, viam salutis ostendis et ipsum ad favores christianis in partibus illis commorantibus impendendos et alia pia opera exercenda diligentibus studiis et sollicitis curis inducis" [6, no. 97e, p. 65].

2 "Cum autem de his tuis virtuosis actibus in Domino exultantes tuam salutem teque illa operari et perficere, quibus in hac vita praesenti gratiam et in futura beatitudinis aeternae merearis gloriam, cupiamus, nobilitatem tuam rogamus attentius et in Domino exhortamus, quatenus circa haec et alia tuae saluti animae utilia vigilanter intendes praefati Eliae nuncii tui, qui te sincere ut intelleximus diligit, salutaribus monitis et persuasionibus salubribus acquiescas, devotionis huiusmodi spiritum, quem dedit tibi virtutum Dominus, non extinguens, christianos vero praedictos opportunis favoribus et benevolentiis habeas commendatos, ut ipse Deus, a quo bona cuncta procedunt quique nullum bonum irremuneratum relinquit, te oculo pietatis irradiando verae fidei lumine mentem tuam respiciat et ad ea, quae sibi sunt placita tuaeque saluti utilia, dirigat actus tuos" [6, no. 126, p. 79].

3 "Rex magnus de Tartaris propter magnum miraculum quem Deus ibi operatus est, Christo credidit et baptizatus fuit, et plures alii. Cuius favore fratres muniti, X loca in illa Tartaria construxerunt, V stabilia munita in civitatibus Tartarorum, et V mobilia in papilonibus sive tendis infra multitudines Tartarorum" [13, p. 107].

See also similar fragment from Elemosina's "Book of the Numerous Stories" of 1336: "Deus autem optimus qui facit mirabilia magna solus, infudit lumen suum in mentibus plurimorum tartarorum, et Rex unus magnus de tartaris Christo credidit et baptizatus fuit, qui multa bona prestitit christianis" [13, p. 120].

4 "Isti filii Imperatorum fuerunt per fratres Minores baptizati. Videlicet Coktoganus cum regina matre sua nomine Thodothelia, et uxore nomine Kerley, et tribus filiis videlicet Georgio, Curamas, Abusta qui adhuc vivit, cuius etiam uxores et filios baptizaverunt Minores" [13, p. 73].

Comparison of this information with Rashid al-Din's "Shu'ab-i panjganah" suggests that this "king of Tartars" was a younger brother of Toqta Khan and Uzbek's uncle named Kutukan. While the "Reports" of the anonymous Franciscan informed that "Coktoganus' sons" were named "Georgius, Curamas, Abusta/Abusca", the "Shu'ab-i panjganah" mentions the following names of Kutukan's sons: Kurmas corresponding to Curamas; Kunkiz or Kurkiz, the Turkic and Mongolian equivalent of Georgius; and Apseke or Abuske obviously relevant to the Latin spelling of Abusta [15 p. 873; 10, p. 98, nota 65].

According to the same report of the anonymous Franciscan, by the time it was written, that is, during the first half of Uzbek's reign, his son called Abusca was the only one remaining alive from Kutukan's progeny. The Franciscans of Caffa specified in 1323 that two other sons of Kutukan were killed in a succession struggle with Uzbek (in 1312). But Abusca, who remained "a firm and stable Christian" (he apparently did not take part in the struggle), enjoyed the favor of Uzbek and, at the time of the letter's writing, he was considered his potential successor:

"Moreover, how the lately deceased Emperor1 died a Christian, leaving behind him also three sons who were Christians, and how two of them renounced the faith so that one of them might be elected heir, which thing God did not allow, but they have been killed by the Emperor's successor by the action of God, and the third who remains a firm and stable Christian stands very well with this man and is expected to be Emperor after him - all this we have sent in a separate long letter to the Lord Pope and to the General of the Order, together with the sense of the Decree of protection2, granted us by the late Emperor and confirmed by this one although he is still a pagan, carefully translated word for word from Mongol into Latin. The cause, moreover, and reason of the death of the two sons of the Emperor was the setting on foot by them of a conspiracy against the man now elected, and also their insecurity because they left the faith of Christ in their ambition to obtain the imperial honour, the election to which is made by the pagans"3.

For his part, Pope John XXII addressed Abusca with a letter in February 28, 1322, in which, referring to the words of the Latin Bishop of Caffa, Franciscan Jerome of Catalonia, he expressed his joy over both his rebirth "in the source of the holy baptism" and his unity "with the holy Roman, Apostolic and Catholic

1 Apparently, Kutukan is meant here, although it is unclear why he is called the "emperor".

2 Probably, the aforementioned yarlik granted by Uzbek to the Franciscans in 1314.

3 "Quomodo autem inperator nuper defunctus obiit xristianus, relinquens post se eciam tres filios xristianos et illorum duo a fide apostatarunt, vt super unum illorum electio caderet successoris, quod non permisit deus, set ipsis a successore peremptis, agente deo, tertius qui rimanet xristianus constans et stabilis, cum isto stat egregie et creditur post eum fore inperator, [ut habetur] in litera [quam] per se mangna domino pape transmisimus et ordini[s] generali simul cum tenore priuilegi protectiui pro nobis a pristino inperatore concessi et ab isto confirmati, licet adhuc pagano, de verbo ad uerbum a tartarico in latinum diligenter translati. Causa autem et oratio perempcionis duorum inperatoris filiorum, erat conspiracionis inpositio eis contra presentem electionem et eciam instabilitas eorumdem, quia fidem xristi reliquerunt ex ambitione honoris inperialis; que electio fit a paganis" [16, p. 365 (English text); 17, p. 111 (Latin text)].

church". He called him further to attach his direct subjects "to the living and indivisible body of the same Catholic church and to the knowledge of true faith"1.

The patronage of the Golden Horde rulers rendered invaluable service to the Franciscans during their frequent conflicts with Muslim residents of Jochid towns, with whom Catholic missionaries' relations had not developed in the best possible way. In particular, in a letter dated April 10, 1287, Ladislaus, the Custodian of Gazaria - that is the leader of the Franciscans in the northern Black Sea region -reported how the prior August the Muslim inhabitants of Solkhat in Crimea attacked a local Franciscan church and demolished its bell, irritated by its ringing. According to Ladislaus, the Franciscans sent a complaint to the Golden Horde rulers (literally "emperors") Tula-Buga and Nogai. In response to the complaint, these rulers sent their representatives to Solkhat who entered the future capital of Crimea with a "military force", severely punished the Franciscans' assailants, and hanged three bells in their church to replace the one demolished2.

Later, in his yarlik of 1314, Uzbek strictly forbade attacks on the church of the Franciscans in Caffa and allowed them to ring its bells3. Pope John XXII

1 "Ingentem, nec mirum, materiam gaudiorum suscepimus quod summus ille lapis angularis Dominus Jesus Christus, in quo omnis aedificatio constructa crescit in templum sanctum in Domino; quodque quos salvos vult fieri, ad cognitionem sui non desinit semper abundantissimo beneficio erudire, per inenarrabilem gratiam suam toto orbe diffusam augens continue familiam Christianam, te sicut venerabilis fratris nostri Hieronymi episcopi Caphensis et socii ejus relatione jucunda percepimus, verae fidei luce perfusum et sacri Baptismatis fonte renatum, ac imbutum doctrina Aposlolicae et Evangelicae veritatis, unitati sanctae Romanae ac Apostolicae et Catholicae Ecclesiae aggregavit. Quia igitur Deo patri aeterno, et Apostolicis votis ad gaudium cedit immensum, si Redemptoris nostri familia in ipsis partibus, quas dudum caecitas errorum obduxerat, dilatetur; nobilitatem tuam rogamus et hortamur in eodem nostro piissimo Redemptore, quatenus prudenter attendens, quod inter caetera, quae de recto calle dirigere poterunt ad vitae gaudia sempiterna, hoc est praecipuum, si subditos tuos vivido et individuo ejusdem Catholicae Ecclesiae corpori, et cognitioni verae fidei aggregabis; ad hoc praestes opem, et ad hoc totis studiis elabores, ut ejus obtentu, qui fidelibus suis iter aeternae vitae demonstrans, paradisi januas, quas primi parentis inobedientia clauserat, ineffabili misericordia reseravit, eosdem subditos per te et alios cognitione fidei Catholicae illustratos unitati ejusdem fidei studeas aggregare" [7, a. 1322, § 44, p. 186].

2 "Imperatores enim Thelebuga et Nohay, et singuli singulos de baronibus suis potiores transmiserunt, et tertium ad hoc ambasiatorem specialem, ut, quoscunque isti pro destructione ecclesiae et campanae depositione condempnassent, ille tertius sine aliqua exceptione et pecuniae interventione manu propria, casu aliquo non obstante, iugularet. Veniens itaque ille tertius secundo die Sancti Dominici de augusto, crucem portans cum insigniis imperatorum et vexillis, potenter intravit civitatem Solhatensem cum comitantibus ipsum omnibus Latinis et aliis Christianis infinitis, cum processione admirabili, fratribus quoque letaniam praecinentibus, pertransiit omnes vicos et plateas civitatis memoratae; et cum esset Sarracenus, faciebat omnes Sarracenos percuti velut canes. Potiores etiam Sarracenorum videntes sibi periculum mortis imminere, dimissis omnibus, quae habebant, ad silvam vicinam civitati confugerunt, ibique bene per septem dies latuerunt. Dictus vero nuntius pro campana, quam deposuerant cum iniuria, suspendit tres campanas cum maxima gloria et Christianorum infinita laetitia" [13, p. 444].

3 "Nemo eis violenciam inferat aut oppressionem, ecclesiam frangendo vel domos aut loca destruendo eorum; set faciendo ecclesiam aut campanas xristiane legis homines regant" [4, p. 65].

apparently believed that Uzbek's permission extended to all the Golden Horde towns in addition to Caffa when he stated in his bull of March 28, 1318 that "out of respect for the divine name he [Uzbek] allowed the said Christians to have bells and freely ring them, on whose ringing they could come together to the divine service". However, according to the Pope, three years after this, Uzbek forbade the Franciscans to ring the bells, "seduced by deceitful vehemence of some enemies of Christ who (as much as they can, though uselessly) do not cease to throw the darts of their iniquities at him"1.

Probably, this bell ringing prohibition did not affect Caffa, but it extended to Christian churches in Soldaia and was directly related to the confrontation between the local Greek population and Uzbek's governor in Crimea, Tuluk-Timur. Two synchronous entries in the "Sudak Synaxarion" show that this confrontation led to open conflict and that Soldaia was attacked by the military forces of Tuluk-Timur in August 1322 and January 1323 [3, p. 600, 621]. Pope John XXII, being informed about these attacks, was compelled to call on the Golden Horde's khan again, regretting that Christian inhabitants of Soldaia were "driven out of the town by Saracens, and bells were removed from their churches, and churches were turned into mosques". In this connection the Pontiff urged Uzbek to allow local Christians to "have returned to them, for living in the said town, the mentioned churches and bells"2.

Nevertheless, the Papal petition on this issue had no effect; according to Ibn Battuta, in 1334 Soldaia was largely populated by "Turks" [21, p. 499] and this indicates that the Papal request was not heard. However, Christians continued to ring the bells in Genoese Caffa as is eloquently demonstrated by the same Ibn Battuta, while in Solkhat, probably influenced by Tuluk-Timur, the ringing of bells was not permitted, since Ibn Battuta never mentions it [21, p. 470-472].

Thus, the controversial issue of the right of Christians to ring the bells was definitely decided on in Uzbek's reign in favor of Muslims, which undoubtedly indirectly reveals the strengthening of Islam in the Golden Horde. According to the

1 "Ceterum cum, prout accepimus, ob divini reverentiam nominis christianos praedictos campanas, ad quarum pulsationem ad divina convenire possent officia, dudum per aliquod temporis spatium habere ac libere pulsare permisisses, quamvis postmodum inimicorum Christi, qui (quantum possunt, licet supervacue) non desinunt suae iniquitatis iacula iacere contra ipsum, fraudulenta seductus instantia campanas pulsandi praedictas eis interdici fecisti a tribus annis proxime praeteritis facultatem" [5, no. 318, p. 148].

2 "Demum quia in Christianorum angustiis, tribulationibus et pressuris non possumus anxie non torqueri, dolenter audivimus, Christianos in civitate Soldaye noviter degentes, esse noviter de civitate ipsa per Saracenos ejectos, et campanis de Ecclesiis ipsorum depositis, Ecclesias ipsas factas esse mesquitas. Nos autem ad Christianos ipsos, tanquam pater ad filios praecordialis habentes compassionis affectum, adhuc preces adjicimus precibus; et a celsitudine tua, quam per hujusmodi pietatis opera penes Deum et homines crescere cupimus, petimus et ob reverentiam ejus, qui bona uniuscujusque opera cum mercede compensat opima, praelibatos Christianos, ut praefertur, ejectos facias in dictam civitatem ad inhabitandum inibi regredi, et restitutis eis dictis Ecclesiis et campanis, ipsos Domino nostro Jesu Christo, quem colimus, intrepide obsequi et servire permittas; sciturus indubie, quod quanto per plura pietatis et charitatis opera ad Christianos ipsos oculos tuae propitiationis extendes, tanto suaviores intentiones thurificabis Domino, et gratiora sibi offeres holocausta" [7, a. 1323, § 3, p. 203].

Franciscan Iohanca who described in 1320 the religious situation in the Jochid ulus, faqirs bearing swords and ready "to immediately kill speakers against the law of Mahomet" were widespread in the Golden Horde territory. However, Muslim ascetics tolerated Christians, allowing them, in the words of Iohanca, "to commend our law, Christ, Mary and the saints, provided that they do not defame Mahomet"1.

Iohanca himself had the misfortune to verify the growing Muslim influence when, during a religious debate organized by the "ruler of Bascardia" (on the present territory of Bashkortostan), with habitual Franciscan fervor he tried to prove that Muslim religion was "silly and profane" as well as to present it as "diabolical and carefully mixing in good and evil in order to remove suspicions and to deceive simpletons in this way more completely". After that Iohanca was imprisoned on the Muslims' demand and he escaped death only through the intervention of jarqucis, that is, secular Tartar judges appointed from Sarai who sympathized with Christianity2.

Probably, the same patronage of secular power of the Golden Horde allowed the Spanish Franciscans Paschal of Vittoria to freely preach in Sarai in 1336 "the word of God both to Saracens and Christians - schismatics and heretics"3. However, this patronage could not save his fellow Istvan of Nagyvarad who was executed by Muslim community of Sarai April 22, 13344 after he initially converted to Islam in order to avoid the punishment of his Order. He later repented of his deed, publicly expressing to Muslims in the local cathedral mosque his intention to return to the Franciscan Order.

1 "Saraceni autem qui propriam legem makometi habent, sectam quamdam habent religiosam reputatam, cuius fratres falsarios vocant, gladios in promtu ferentes, vt statim interminent contra legem loquentes. Sinunt tamen pacienter xristianos legem nostram et xristum et maria ac sanctos commendare, sic quod makometum non contempnant" [4, p. 66].

2 "set principem tocius Bacardie cum maiori parte familie inuenimus errore Saracenorum totaliter infectum. Quibus cum predicaremus, dixerunt: si vos vtique primum venissetis, suscepissemus vtique fidem istam, set turpe est principibus cum vnam legem susceperint, ab illa leuiter discedere ad aliam transseundo. Frequentantibus autem nobis fidei doctrinam, et cum totam peritis Saracenorum probauimus omnibus modis nobis possibilibus, scripturis, singnis, racionibus et exemplis, eorum legem friuolam et prophanam, que nulla racione nei euidencia miraculi fulta, sicut est lex xristianorum, cuius in partibus illis, vt cito referam, patuerunt miracula clara, ac ostendimus iam legem esse diabolicam et ab eo cautelose bonis et malis esse admixtam, vt suspicio tolleretur et sic magis simplices deciperet, ipsi in furorem uersi interficere nos querebant. Nobis autem captis et atrociter incarceratis, ferris onustis et fame cruciatis ac carceris sualore, vermium horrore et mortali fetore, mortem cum gaudio prestolantibus, ipsi Tartarorum timore attoniti, presumere non audebant [nos interficere]. Xristianos enim Tartari diligunt et illos odiunt atque persequntur" [4, p. 67-68].

3 "ex quo scivi linguam per Dei gratiam, saepius praedicavi sine interprete verbum Dei tam Saracenis quam etiam Christianis schismaticis et haereticis" [1, p. 533].

4 "... processum gloriosi martyrii fratris Stephani de Hungaria de civitate Narodin oriundi, quod accepit patientissime et constanter anno Domini MCCCXXXIV, XXII. die mensis Aprilis, in civitate Saray imperii magni regis Osbeth, imperatoris Tartarorum in parte aquilonari" [1, p. 515].

The execution of Friar Istvan was recorded by a number of the Franciscan sources1, and the popularity of his martyrdom in the West can be explained by the possibility inherent in this story of contrasting the weakness of human nature prone to Fall with the irresistible power of Christ in making "saints of sinners" in the words of Aquitaine author of the "Chronicle of the 24 Generals of the Order of the Friars Minor" (Chronica XXIV Generalium Ordinis Minorum)2.

It should be noted, however, that this was not the only case of apostasy of Catholic missionaries in the Golden Horde as is demonstrated by three simultaneous exemptions from the sentence of excommunication granted July 31, 1334 by Pope John XXII to two Dominicans named Bonacursio and Filippo [7, a. 1333, § 44, p. 528] and to the Franciscan Giacomo of Pistoia. In regard to the latter, in particular, the Pope wrote that Friar Giacomo "as though deprived of humanity by the loss of discerning and mentally blinded" "threw himself into the deadly abyss of despair and transferred to the authority of Saracens", but later "he came to his senses" and repented, begging to be allowed to return to the unity of the Church3.

1 As, for example, by "Catalogue of the Saint Friars Minor" (Catalogus sanctorum fratrum minorum, c. 1335) [11, p. 41]; by Friar Giovanni Elemosina in his "Book of Numerous Stories" (Liber ystorie plurime, 1336) [13, p. 137]; by Friar Paschalis of Vittoria in his letter of 1338 [1, p. 533]; by Swiss Franciscan John of Winterthur in his "Chronicle" composed before 1349 [8, p. 147-149]; by the Aquitaine anonymous author in his long description of martyrdom contained in his "Chronicle of the 24 Generals of the Order of the Friars Minor" (Chronica XXIV Generalium Ordinis Minorum, written between 1360 and 1374) [1, p. 515-524]; by Bartholomew of Pisa in his treatise "On the Conformity of the Life of the Blessed Francis to the Life of the Lord Jesus" (De conformitate vitae beati Francisci ad vitam Domini Iesu, written between 1385 and 1390) [2, p. 333-334]; by Mariano of Florence in his "Compendium of Chronicles of Friars Minor" (Compendium Chronicarum Fratrum Minorum, composed c. 1480) [9, p. 641].

2 "volens describere primum audientes et legentes exhortor, ne finem propter principium contemnant, sed Dominum potius glorificent, qui solus de peccatoribus facit sanctos. Aliter propter Ecclesiae illatas persecutiones gentium Doctorem condemnent, Matthaeum Evangelistam propter telonei lucra subsannent, Magdalenam propter prima facinora iudicent, principem Apostolorum propter trinam negationem irrideant et abiiciant propter varia scelera David, eximium Prophetarum; magis tamen altitudinem divinae sapientiae et scientiae et eius incomprehensibilia iudicia admirentur, qui cui vult miseretur et quem vult indurat" [1, p. 515].

3 "Pro parte siquidem Iacobi de Pistorio, fratris tui ordinis eundem ordinem professi, nobis extitit intimatum, quod ipse Iacobus, qui tunc temporis cum aliis fratribus praefati ordinis in imperio Usbechi Tartarorum imperatoris, ut suam et aliorum infidelium illarum partium animas domino nostro Ihesu Christo lucrifaceret, morabatur et nunc etiam inibi commoratur, pro certis culpis tunc ab eo instinctu maligno commissis ob fragilitatem suae carnis eius spiritum superantis, ut evaderet ipsius ordinis disciplinam, in mortiferae desperationis abyssum corruit et se in Saracenorum easdem partes colentium transtulit potestatem et tanquam exominatus ex privatione nobilis intellectus et mentaliter occaecatus ritum ipsorum Saracenorum abominabilem et obscoenum assumpsit cultumque professus expresse fuit execratissimi Machometi et se more eorundem Saracenorum circumcidi fecit seu permisit, supradicta fide verissima publice abnegata; praefatus quoque Iacobus, qui antea satagebat infideles praedictos rationibus veracissimis superare et ad fidem convertere praelibatam, iacens in volutabro peccatorum, Christi fideles in dictis partibus existentes et

Thus, Catholic missionaries did not feel safe in Golden Horde towns and, in particular, the Franciscans of Caffa believed that "it would have been impossible to explain briefly" in their letter of 1323 "how many others also were given at last to death in their own stations, after the stations had been burnt down and after other tortures, imprisonments, and bonds"1. However, according to the same message, the Franciscans met with completely opposite treatment in the steppe and found among nomads "an appearance of greater devotion" than even among Christians, because, as the Franciscans of Caffa explained, nomads gladly gave to missionaries "food and suitable clothing such as they possessed, of hemp and linen and mixed with certain waste silk and woven with goats' hair"2.

Franciscan reports from the Golden Horde leave the impression that Western missionaries felt more safety in the steppe than in the local towns. In addition, they considered preaching the Gospel among the nomads the most promising direction of missionary activity. Thus, the Franciscan Iohanca reported in 1320 to the general Minister of his Order that "following Tartar camps brought the greatest harvest of souls for those who wished to work in the name of Christ"3. Describing, three years later, the achievements of their daily preaching of the Gospel among nomads, the Franciscans of Caffa mentioned the success of one unnamed German Franciscan who, in their words, "snatched ninety-three idols4 of the pagans from their hands, and baptized all the families and taught them as fully as was possible in the faith" .

According to Giovanni Elemosina, the Franciscans established "five mobile headquarters in tents covered with felt" among nomads and they preached Christianity to them all year round, baptized those who were not baptized and

ad eas etiam attendentes suis falsis et sophisticis argumentis confundere ac prosequi coram ipsis infidelibus dampnabiliter est molitus, ex quo fideles ipsi multas et diversas contumelias pertulerunt. Nuper autem praedictus Iacobus ad cor suum rediens et poenitens etiam de commissis a nobis fecit humiliter postulari, desiderans reincorporari sanctae ecclesiae unitati, de qua sicut membrum putridum est praecisus, ut sibi misericordis indulgentiae aperire ianuam dignaremur" [5, no. 1069, p. 573-574].

1 "Quot eciam alii in suis locis, et locis combustis, et aliis cruciatibus, carceribus et vinculis et tandem sunt morti commodati, per alios breue non foret explicare" [16, p. 362 (English text); 17, p. 108 (Latin text)].

2 "you may know that we often find an appearance of greater devotion among the pagans themselves than we do in many Christians; and they gladly give us food and suitable clothing such as they possess, of hemp and linen and mixed with certain waste silk and woven with goats' hair" ("sciatis quod maioris sepe deuocionis reperimus apparenciam in ipsis paganis quam nos in multis xristianis cum et victualia nobis libenter conferunt et indumenta nobis apta qualia ipsi possident de canabe et lino et quibusdam a serico relictis mixta ac pilis caparum texta") [16, p. 362 (English text); 17, p. 108 (Latin text)].

3 "Nouerit pia paternitas vestra quod pro nomine xristi laborare volentibus, castra Tartarorum sequendo, fructus est maximus animarum" [4, p. 66].

4 That is, ongons.

5 "set crebro castra sequentes ob diligenciam meram tante occupacionis gustare victum non vacat usque ad lucentes stellas. Nec mirum, cum exitu vno frater quidam almannus 93 paganorum ydola de eorum manibus surripuit et omnes familias baptizauit et in fide quo potuit plenius instruxit" [16, p. 361 (English text); 17, p. 107 (Latin text)].

performed the sacraments to those who had already been baptized, "transporting headquarters, books and utensils on the carts"1.

In the words of the Franciscans of Caffa, the language barrier was a major obstacle in the deployment of an apostolate among nomads. Despite the availability of local interpreters and their willingness to provide assistance to the Minorites, ignorance of the Kipchak language by a number of missionaries (especially of Mediterranean origin) prevented the adequate teaching of Christian doctrine, although the Crimean Minorites also pointed out that "certain Hungarian Brothers, and also some Germans and English got a sufficiently good and competent knowledge of the language in a little time":

"And so they are always at war here one with another, with armies and camps, in which our men make great profit by following them diligently, preaching many times every day; even those who do not yet know the language preaching through the ever ready interpreters of Latin - and small progress do they make thus in being instructed in the native or popular speech. We have, nevertheless, certain Hungarian Brothers, and also some Germans and English, who have got a sufficiently good and competent knowledge of the language in a little time; but the French or Italians scarcely ever learn the language well, prevented we know not how"2.

Obviously, therefore, the Franciscan Iohanca called on the general Minister of his Order to send to the Golden Horde "especially English, Hungarian and Teutonic brothers" who learned the language of local nomads with greater ease3.

As is clear from these reports, Western missionaries came to the Golden Horde without prior language training and they began to study the Kipchak language on arrival. In particular, Paschal of Vittoria, while describing in detail in 1338 his journey from Spain to the Golden Horde, pointed out that before starting to preach the Catholic faith to local Muslims and Christians he spent considerable time in Sarai learning the "Camanic language and Uighur script", because, according to him, the Kipchak language and Uighur script were widely used "in the empires of Tartars, Persians, Chaldeans, Medes and Cathay"4.

1 "Inter istos Tartaros pastores gregum, fratres Minores Sancti Francisci habent quinque loca mobilia in papilonibus filtro coopertis, et cum Tartaris moventur de loco ad locum, in curribus portantes loca et libros et utensilia, qui Tartaris predicant et baptizant et administrant credentibus sacramenta" [13, p. 125].

2 "Quare et ibi bella sunt continua mutue exercitus et castra, in quibus nostri summe prosunt, illos sequendo sedule, cotidie pluries predicando, eciam per semper promptos interpretes ex latino qui adhuc illam linguam non norunt, et parum refert sic in profectu vel in propria seu populari ydiomate doctrinare. Sunt tamen apud nos fratres quidam Hungari, aliqui etiam Teutonici et Anglici, qui infra modicum tempus bene satis et competenter iam linguam didicerunt. Set Gallici et Ytalici vix vnquam linguam illam bene discunt, quo nescimus prepediti" [16, p. 363 (English text); 17, p. 109 (Latin text)].

3 "conuenit vestri paternitati et prudencie prouidere, quo cicius valueritis, pro provinciis Tartarorum et exercitibus variis, de diuresis rengnis et multis, fratres ydoneos prouidere ad hoc inspiratos et ibidem destinare, de Anglicis, Hungaris et Teutonicis precipue, qui leuius linguam scient" [4, p. 67].

4 "Ego vero volebam secum ire, sed consilio habito, prius linguam terrae illius volui addiscere et per Dei gratiam didici linguam Camanicam et litteram Vinguricam, qua quidem lingua et littera utuntur communiter per omnia ista regna seu imperia Tartarorum,

Judging by the description of the martyrdom of Friar Istvan of Nagyvarad in April 1334, the Franciscans of Sarai quite freely communicated with the local "Saracens" in their language1. However, not all the missionaries could learn the local language and the Franciscans of Caffa suggested in 1323 a more efficient way of overcoming obstacles in communicating with the local nomads by the purchase of local boys "who were for sale" in order to "make the boys clerks". This measure, undoubtedly, was to partially solve the extremely important problem of personnel shortages. Indeed, the Crimean Minorites indicated in the same letter that many of these trained boys "became Brothers and very good converters" because they knew local language better than missionaries from the West2.

It is possible that some success which Catholic missionaries achieved among a part of the Golden Horde nomads was due to the fact that they professed Christian religion before the arrival of missionaries from the West. At all events, Friar Iohanca explained the favor "of Tartar judges of Baschards" (in the territory of modern Bashkortostan) by the fact that they were "filled with Nestorian heresy" and gladly accepted the faith of Franciscan missionaries because they obviously were deprived of a competent clergy3.

It is possible that the warm reception with which nomads welcomed the Franciscans was directly linked with the fact that Catholic missionaries filled the lack of Nestorian clergy for the consecration of the essential rituals of local Christian communities. Thus, Giovanni Elemosina indicated in his "Book of Numerous Stories" that from the beginning of their appearance in the Jochid ulus, Friars Minor began to consecrate marriages of local nomads, contributing to a marked increase in "devotion among Tartars"4. Also, according to his earlier

Persarum, Chaldaeorum, Medorum et Cathay... Idcirco patres mei, ex quo scivi linguam per Dei gratiam, saepius praedicavi sine interprete verbum Dei tam Saracenis quam etiam Christianis schismaticis et haereticis" [1, p. 532-533].

1 "Tunc frater Gulielmus de Aquitania dixit: 'Forte non vos bene intelligit, sed si quis sibi in lingua propria loqueretur, melius responderet'. Et tunc idem frater Gulielmus conversus ad fratem Stephanum dixit sibi: 'Quare non respondes eis?'. Ille vero vocem intelligens respexit eum iuxta portam existentem et Guardianum magis sibi propinquum. Et tunc frater Stephanus respondit Saracenis: 'Quid me interrogatis? Ego maioribus vestris dixi, quod estis damnati cum vestro iniquo Machometo et quod lex vestra est falsa et sola lex Christianorum suis observatoribus dat salutem'" [1, p. 521].

2 "And with the alms which they give we have bought children of either sex who are for sale, and we are slowly teaching them the faith and to read; and we make the boys clerks, and some of them are now Brothers, and they make very good converters as knowing the language, while we are learning it" ("Cotidie multos baptizamus atque confirmamus ac de elemosinis datis pueros emimus venales sexus vtriusque, et in fide ac literis leniter instruimus, et masculos clericos facimus, quorum aliqui sunt modo fratres et optimi conuersores, ut pote linguam scientes et nos illam addiscentes") [16, p. 363 (English text); 17, p. 109 (Latin text)].

3 "Et ibi erant Tartari iudices Baschardorum, qui licet baptizati non essent, heresi tamen nestorianorum inbuti, cum eis fidem nostram predicaremus, cum gaudio susceperunt" [4, p. 67].

4 "Et quia ipsi fratres a principio sponsum et sponsam et nuptias benedicere ceperunt, et exemplo Salvatoris nostri cum eis manducare, ideo tantum inolevit ista devotio inter Tartaros, ut fratres oporteat sepius nuptias benedicere et cum eis manducare" [13, p. 125].

"Book of the Stories of the Holy Roman Church", the Franciscans had to consecrate a lot of weddings "multiple times a day", but especially weddings of those "who had already become Christians"1.

Be it as it may, the result of close contact between European missionaries and Golden Horde nomads is valuable, despite the fragmentary nature of information about the daily life of the latter preserved in the Franciscan reports. For example, a letter of the Franciscans of Caffa reported in 1323 some details about their diet and in particular the fact that local nomads did not bake bread, but kneaded and cooked it "mixed with eggs". In addition to mentioning mead prepared by confection "of water, wheat, and various fruits", Franciscans give relatively detailed description of koumiss preparation calling it "a wholesome, nice, and very refreshing drink, something like cheap wine":

"But that we may satisfy some persons' curiosity (which is not wholly vain) with regard to the end of their journey, you must know that where we are is a land of pastures and meadows, prolific of flesh and fish; only half cultivated though suitable for cultivation, so that there is not much cornland. Yet there is bread here well kneaded and prepared, mixed with eggs and likewise very wholesome. The wines here are imported from Italy, Greece, and the Land of Promise, the wines of the country being but few owing to the high latitude of the region. But the common people of the country use certain confections of water, wheat, and various fruits, like beer or mead, and especially of the mixed milk of cows, sheep, goats, does, hinds (which are here domesticated), buffaloes, and above all of donkeys and mares, which is first fermented, and then by the addition of certain grains a wholesome, nice, and very refreshing drink is made, something like cheap wine"2.

Regarding the clothing worn by nomads, the same Franciscan report included that the Tatars themselves wore the famous silk "Tartar stuffs", which were very appreciated in Europe, but had "little value" in the Golden Horde:

"You may know that we often find an appearance of greater devotion among the pagans themselves than we do in many Christians; and they gladly give us food and suitable clothing such as they possess, of hemp and linen and mixed with certain waste silk and woven with goats' hair. But they themselves dress in silk

1 "Quando faciunt nuptias, celebrant magna festa et convivia. Et propterea opportet fratres Minores, qui inter eos morantur, ad nuptias sepius ire et comedere cum eis, aliquando pluries in die in pluribus nuptiis, et maxime illorum qui facti sunt christiani, quorum sponsum et sponsas benedicunt fratres. Et sic Tartari assueti in hoc, semper fratres vocant ad nuptias" [13, p. 107].

2 "Vt autem curiositati quorundam non penitus vane, quia scitius termini vie, placeamus; sciatis quod ubi sumus, est terra pascuosa et paludosa, carnibus et piscibus fecunda, semiculta, licet culture apta, vnde non multum blasosa; ibi tamen panis [cum] bone pynsacionis et parature cum ouis mixtus et similiter multum nutritiens. Ibi vina sunt aduenticia de Ytalia, Grecia et terra promissionis, set pauca de terra propria propter regionis severa clymata. Set terre communitas quibusdam utris confecturis ex aqua blado et fructibus variis ad modum ceruisie uel medonis, et precipue ex lactibus mixtis vaccarum, ouium, carparum, capriolarum, ceruarum ibi domesticarum, bubalorum et potissime asinarum et iumentorum; set primitus expumantur et admixtura seminum quorumdam tritorum efficitur potus sanus et sapidus ac multum resumptiuus, vt quasi vinum vernacinum" [16, p. 364 (English text); 17, p. 110 (Latin text)].

stuffs and cloth of gold, such as we call Tartar stuffs, which, though they may be very expensive with you, are of little value here; together with fur coats of different valuable skins"1.

Obviously, in the latter case, the Franciscans of Caffa allowed some distortion of reality with respect to price for expensive brocade clothes in the Golden Horde. Probably, in such a way the Crimean Minorites tried to present in a more favorable light the conditions of their stay in the Jochid ulus. However, Giovanni Elemosina refutes this assertion of Franciscans of Caffa in his "Book of the Stories of the Holy Roman Church" and makes it clear that in the Golden Horde only "nobles and those wealthy enough" could afford to dress themselves in "silk clothes embroidered with gold and warmed with furs of foxes and squirrels, and ermines, and sables"2. The Umbrian Minorite adds to this a short description of nomadic dwellings, their daily activities and nutrition, along with the statement that nomadic women were "the most faithful to their husbands and very industrious"3. So, among many other interesting details, Friar Giovanni argues that death penalties imposed in the Golden Horde for murder or stealing horses were carried out by the half-dissection of criminals "along the navel"4.

Summarizing this description of Latin sources on the activities of Western missionaries in the Golden Horde, it should be stated here that there is definite value in their information about contacts of the Papal curia with Jochid rulers, as well as that regarding relations of the Franciscans with both Muslim residents of Golden Horde towns and nomads of the steppe regions. Obviously, the Latin sources reflecting the circumstances of these contacts and relations do not provide similarly detailed information about the internal politics of the Golden Horde;

1 "sciatis quod maioris sepe deuocionis reperimus apparenciam in ipsis paganis quam nos in multis xristianis cum et victualia nobis libenter conferunt et indumenta nobis apta qualia ipsi possident de canabe et lino et quibusdam a serico relictis mixta ac pilis caparum texta, set ipsimet pannis sericis et aurifrigiatis, quales nos vocamus pannos Tartarorum, qui licet apud vos sint presiosissimi, apud nos tamen valoris exigui, quod cum pelliceis variis ex preciosis pellibus sunt induti" [16, p. 362-363 (English text); 17, p. 108 (Latin text)].

2 "Nobiles et divites tantum vestiuntur pannis sericis, et auratis, foderatis pellibus vulpium et variorum, et armelinorum et gamberlinorum" [13, p. 107].

3 "Et propterea Tartari semper morantur in campestribus ubicumque inveniunt pascua meliora. Et faciunt domos de perticis rotundis politis, et cooperiunt filtro bene condempsato, et sunt portatiles. Et habent careptas cum rotis, ubi portant superlectiles et familiam debilem. Viri occupantur in venationibus et preliis, et uxores faciunt omnia facta domus. Omnem carnem comedunt preter quam humanam. Et bibunt lac yumentorum. Cavent sibi bene et sollicite, et custodiunt ne unus offendat alium, vel iniuriam faciat uxoribus et filiabus propriis. Femine eorum sunt fidelissime viris suis et bene industre. Tot habent uxores, quot possunt regere, sed prima est domina" [13, p. 107].

4 "Iustitiam servant ita. Homicida nunquam potest redimi, sed occiditur. Minans alteri [mortem] ... d... ut percutiat, manum perdit. Pro vulnere illato, vulnus simile recipit a percusso. Pro levibus furtis, recipit fur vii percussiones cum baculo a curia, et sicut furtum maius, ita percussiones multiplicantur. Si autem furatur equum, vel rempre tiosam, occiditur fur. Si autem velit reddere, novo addens tantum quantum rapuerat, liberatur. Occidendus, per medium scinditur per umbillicum. Isti videntur servare quasi legem nature, sicut dicit Apostolus: Cum enim gentes que legem non habent, naturaliter ea que legis sunt faciunt" [13, p. 107].

the Oriental sources fortunately do. Nevertheless, details of these Latin sources, written within the Golden Horde, or on the basis of synchronous Franciscan reports, reflect the conditions of everyday life in the Jochid ulus and the religious policy of its rulers - topics to which "external" Persian and Mamluk chroniclers did not pay particular attention.

References

1. Analecta Franciscana: sive chronica aliaque varia documenta ad historiam fratrum minorum spectantia. Tomus III: Chronica XXIV Generalium Ordinis Minorum cum pluribus appendicibus inter quas excellit hucusque ineditus Liber de laudibus S. Francisci fr. Bernardi a Bessa edita a patribus Collegii S. Bonaventurae. Firenze, Quaracchi, Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1897. xxvii + 748 p. (In Latin)

2. Analecta Franciscana sive chronica aliaque varia documenta ad historiam fratrum minorum spectantia. Tomus IV: De conformitate vitae Beati Francisci ad vitam Domini Iesu auctore Fr Bartholomaeo de Pisa. Liber 1, Fructus I-XII. Firenze, Quaracchi, Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1906. cxxviii + 558 p. (In Latin)

3. Antonin, arkhimandrit (Kapustin). Zametki XII-XV veka, otnosyashchiesya k krymskomu gorodu Sugdee (Sudaku), pripisannye na grecheskom Sinaksare [Notes of the 12th-15 th centuries related to the Crimean city of Sugdeya (Sudak), added to the Greek Synaxarion]. Zapiski Odesskogo obshchestva istorii i drevnostey [Notes of the Odessa Society of History and Antiquities]. Odessa, v gorodskoy tipografii, 1863, vol. 5, pp. 595-624. (In Russian)

4. Bihl M., Moule A.C. Tria nova documenta de missionibus Fr. Min. Tartariae Aquilonaris annorum 1314-1322. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum. Quaracchi, Firenze, Collegio S. Bonaventura, 1924, vol. 17, pp. 55-71. (In Latin)

5. Bullarium Franciscanum sive Romanorum pontificum constitutiones, epistolae, diplomata tribus ordinibus Minorum, Clarissarum, Poenitentium ... a sancto Francisco institutis ab eorum originibus ad nostra usque tempora concessa. Tomus V: Benedicti XI., Clementis V., Ioannis XXII. monumenta. Eubel C. (ed.). Romae, Typis Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, 1898. xlii + 643 p. (In Latin)

6. Bullarium Franciscanum sive Romanorum pontificum constitutiones, epistolae, diplomata tribus ordinibus Minorum, Clarissarum, Poenitentium ... a sancto Francisco institutis ab eorum originibus ad nostra usque tempora concessa. Tomus VI: Benedicti XII., Clementis VI., Innocenti VI., Urbani V., Gregorii XI documenta. Eubel C. (ed.). Romae, Typis Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, 1902. liv + 687 p. (In Latin)

7. Caesaris S.R.E. Card. Baronii Annales ecclesiastici. Tomus XXIV: 13131333. Rinaldi O., Laderchi G. (eds). Barri-Ducis, Parisiis, Friburgi Helv.: Ex typis Consociationis Sancti Pauli, 1880. vi + 540 p. (In Latin)

8. Chronica Iohannis Vitodurani = Die Chronik Johanns von Winterthur. Baethgen F., Brun C. (eds). Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1924. xxxvii + 332 p. (In Latin)

9. Compendium Chronicarum Fratrum Minorum scriptum a patre Mariano de Florentia. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum. Quaracchi, Firenze, Collegio S. Bonaventura, 1909, vol. 2/4, pp. 626-641. (In Latin)

10. DeWeese D.A. Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde. Baba Tükles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition. University Park, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994. xvii + 638 p.

11. Fragmenta Minora. Catalogus Sanctorum Fratrum Minorum, quem scriptum circa 1335 edidit notisque illustravit fr. Leonardus Lemmens O.F.M. Romae, typis Sallustianis, 1903. xvi + 54 p. (In Latin)

12. Golubovich G. Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra santa e dell'Oriente francescano. Vol. I: Il secolo decimoterzo (1215-1300). Quaracchi, Firenze, Collegio di S. Bonaventura, 1906. vii + 479 p. (In Italian, Latin)

13. Golubovich G. Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra santa e dell'Oriente francescano. Vol. II: Addenda al sec. XIII e fonti pel sec. XIV. Quaracchi, Firenze, Collegio di S. Bonaventura, 1913. iv + 641 p. (In Italian, Latin)

14. Jackson P. The Mongols and the West, 1221-1410. Harlow, Pearson Longman Publishing, 2005. xxxiv + 414 p..

15. Khamidova Ch.I., Rashid ad-din. Shuab-i pandzhgana. 2. Mongoly i tyurki (2) [Rashid al-din. Shu'ab-i Panjganah. 2. The Mongols and the Turks (2)]. Zolotoordynskoe obozrenie = Golden Horde Review. Kazan, Sh.Maijani Institute of History of Tatarstan Academy of Sciences, 2016, vol. 4/4, pp. 868-880. (In Russian)

16. Moule A.C. Fourteenth Century Missionary Letters. The East & the West: A Quarterly Review for the Study of Missionary Problems. Westminster, Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1921, vol. 19, pp. 357-366.

17. Moule A.C. Textus duarum epistolarum Fr. Minorum Tartarie Aquilonaris an. 1323. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum. Quaracchi, Firenze, Collegio S. Bonaventura, 1923, vol. 16/1-2, pp. 104-112. (In Latin)

18. Pelliot P. Notes sur l'histoire de la Horde d'Or: suivies de quelques noms turcs d'hommes et de peuples finissant en "ar". Ouvres posthumes de Paul Pelliot publiées sous les auspices de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres et avec le concours du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Vol. II. Paris: Librairie d'Amérique et d'Orient, Adrien Maisonneuve, 1949. 292 p. (In French)

19. Richard J. La Papauté et les missions d'Orient au Moyen Age (XIIF-XV siècles). Rome, École Française de Rome, 1998. xxxiv + 331 p. (In French)

20. Richard J. Missions to the North of the Black Sea: Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries. The Spiritual Expansion of Medieval Latin Christendom: The Asia Missions. Ryan J.D. (ed.). Farnham, Ashgate Publishing, 2013, pp. 343-356.

21. The Travels of Ibn Battüta, A.D. 1325-1354. Vol. II. Gibb H.A.R. (tr.). Cambridge, Published for the Hakluyt Society at the University Press, 1962. xii + 271-537 p.

About the author: Roman Hautala - Ph.D. (History), Senior Research Fellow, Usmanov Center for Research on the Golden Horde and Tatar Khanates, Sh.Maijani Institute of History of Tatarstan Academy of Sciences (7, Baturin Str.,

Kazan 420111, Russian Federation); Docent, Historical branch at the Faculty of Humanities, University of Oulu, ORCID: http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3898-0107, ResearcherID: H-9114-2016 (1, Pentti Kaiteran Str., Historia, PL 1000, 90570, University of Oulu, Oulu, Finland). E-mail: romanhautala@gmail.com

Received December 28, 2018.

Accepted for publication January 14, 2019.

ЛАТИНСКИЕ ИСТОЧНИКИ О МИССИОНЕРСКОЙ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ФРАНЦИСКАНЦЕВ В ЗОЛОТОЙ ОРДЕ В ПРАВЛЕНИЕ ХАНА УЗБЕКА (1313-1341)1

Р. Хаутала

Институт истории им. Ш. Марджани АН РТ г. Казань, Республика Татарстан, Российская Федерация Университет Оулу Оулу, Финляндия romanhautala@gmail. com

Автор настоящей статьи рассматривает подробности взаимодействия разнородного населения Золотой Орды с католическими миссионерами, развернувшими свою наиболее интенсивную деятельность по обращению местных кочевников в христианство в период правления хана Узбека (1313-1341). Подробности этого контакта выявляются при анализе малоизвестных миссионерских отчетов из Золотой Орды, как и папских посланий ее правителям и повествований францисканских хронистов в Европе, получавших от своих собратьев с Востока сведения о развертывании миссионерской деятельности в улусе Джучи. Эти, по большей части, синхронные источники указывают на сохранение традиционной для Чингизидов политики конфессиональной терпимости даже в период очевидного усиления ислама в Золотой Орде. Толерантность хана Узбека вызвала похвалу со стороны Авиньонской курии и способствовала завязыванию активных дипломатических отношений с папами Иоанном XXII и его преемником Бенедиктом XII. Более важным следствием благосклонности золотоордынского хана к христианам была интенсификация миссионерской деятельности в его владениях, приведшая к тесным контактам францисканцев с местным населением, которые отразились

1 Впервые опубликовано в Crusaders, Missionaries and Eurasian Nomads in the 13th-14th Centuries: A Century of Interactions / Victor Spinei (ed.) // Florilegium Magistrorum Historiae Archaeologiaeque Antiquitatis et Medii Aevi, XXI. Bucuresti: Editura Academiei Romane; Brailei: Editura Istros a Muzeului Brailei "Carol I", 2017. No. 11. P. 244-266. Я выражаю мою особую благодарность Стивену Поу, кто не пожалел своего ценного времени для тщательной проверки макета данной статьи. Разумеется, только автор настоящей статьи несет полную ответственность за любые потенциальные ошибки, которые могут быть выявлены после ее публикации.

в латинских источниках, рассматриваемых в настоящем исследовании. Данные источники, известные до сих пор только узкому кругу специалистов по истории католического миссионерства в Средневековье, содержат ценные сведения об обстоятельствах этого контакта и заслуживают подробного анализа со стороны исследователей истории Золотой Орды, поскольку в отличии от «внешних» персидских и арабских летописей (несомненно, содержащих важнейшие сведения о внутренней политике хана Узбека), миссионерские источники отображают взгляд «изнутри» улуса Джучи и содержат информацию о повседневной жизни его жителей.

Ключевые слова: взаимоотношения между Монгольской империей и Средневековой Европой, история Золотой Орды, католическое миссионерство на средневековом Востоке, францисканский апостолат среди кочевников, средневековые миссионерские источники, папские буллы

Для цитирования: Roman Hautala. Latin Sources on the Missionary Activity of the Franciscans in the Golden Horde in the Reign of Khan Uzbek (1313-1341). Тюркологические исследования. 2019; 2(1): 13-35.

Сведения об авторе: Роман Хаутала - Ph.D. (история), старший научный сотрудник Центра исследований Золотой Орды и татарских ханств им. М.А. Усманова Института истории им. Ш. Марджани АН РТ (420111, ул. Батурина, 7, Казань, Российская Федерация); доцент исторического отделения гуманитарного факультета университета Оулу, ORCID: http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3898-0107, ResearcherID: H-9114-2016 (90570, ул. Пентти Кайтера, 1, История, почтовый ящик 1000, университет Оулу, Оулу, Финляндия), е-mail: romanhautala@gmail.com

Дата поступления материала 28.12.2018.

Принят к публикации 14.01.2019.