Научная статья на тему 'Kyrgyzstan: A look at the present and the future'

Kyrgyzstan: A look at the present and the future Текст научной статьи по специальности «Политологические науки»

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Текст научной работы на тему «Kyrgyzstan: A look at the present and the future»

probable geographic directions. In this case the paradox is as follows: the unity of the region is preserved not due to the centripetal forces but thanks to the balance of the centrifugal forces. The Central Asia exists as a separate international region only because the diverse external forces prevent each other to dissolve it finally in the adjacent regions of the world.

The many-vector foreign policy of new independent states of the Central Asia is not a short-term phenomenon. This phenomenon exists almost twenty years, and given the lack of significant changes in the existing structure of the world policy it will hardly disappear earlier than in time of some decades.

"Vestnik instituía Kennana v Rossii", M, 2010, vol. 14, p. 19-25.

Zhyldyz Urmanbetova,

doctor of philosophical sciences

(The Kyrgyz-Russian-Slavonical University,

The Kyrgyz-Turkish University "Manas"), Kyrgyzstan

KYRGYZSTAN: A LOOK AT THE PRESENT

AND THE FUTURE

The analysis of the social-political situation in the Kyrgyz Republic (KR) makes it possible to speak about a crisis of the idea of democratic world in the whole Central-Asian region. Since the time of obtaining by Kyrgyzstan of sovereignty and proclamation of the democratic state almost two decades have past, which clearly show "the experience" of democracy's construction: for the last five years two revolutions took place and the Constitution of the country was changed several times. The intermediate outcome of such results leads to the

logical question: is it worth taking a risk further and will it not be a threat of the complete loss of the statehood?

In Kyrgyzstan the democratic development was theoretically divided to the definite stages each representing certain leap (breakdown) in deepening democratic processes For the first years after obtained sovereignty by the states of the Central Asia (CA) a great popularity was gained by transitivity describing the process of passage to a stable democratic state with the self-supporting structure. The theories of the transitional society were created by western political scientists and sociologists and they supposed application of the western devices for advance of democracy.

For instance, Z. Brzhezinski proposed and considered as an example of inculcation of democratic norms and mechanisms in CA (in each country separately) having determined their perspectives as being average, i.e. 50 to 50; however, western sociologists and political scientists applied exclusively western criteria and confronted obstacles in the regional context. For a long time, scientists of Kyrgyzstan discussed one problem - whether the going on in the republic processes correspond to the main criteria of democracy, while the western model was considered as the main example. Finally, following a thorough analysis of these reforms many of them came to the conclusion on impossibility of mechanical application of the existing standards of democracy to the societies of some other type, since it may cause tearing away of the innovations alien to this society. Thus, it turned out that the theory of transition society, which determines the same standards irrespective of regional and cultural-historic peculiarities of the states, should not be considered as universal in any case.

For the first years after obtaining the sovereignty Kyrgyzstan became the advanced country among the CA states building democracy: the republic introduced the national currency and entered

the World Trade Organization (WTO) as one of the first country in the post-Soviet space. It showed that KR in good time reacted to the extension of the market economic system as an important economic characteristic of democratic society. At the same time, against the background of other CA republics tended to a rigid authoritarian power, the existence in KR a relatively independent opposition testified to a political democracy of society in KR.

However, the "democratic feature" of the sovereign KR resulted in two coups d'etat which pushed KR for many years backwards in social-economic terms and which "tiered away" investors and supporters of eastern exotics; and the actually demolished country rapidly loses its statehood. At the same time, there was demolished one of the criteria of efficient state structure - security creating a threat to national independence and sovereignty. What has caused this rapid fall of the democratically intended republic?

The founding factor leading the country to the tragedy and an abyss of conflicts and contradictions is, to the author's mind, the mechanical transfer of elements of western model of democracy to the totally unfit ground. Due to the peculiar mentality, peculiarities of political consciousness and social memory comprehension of democracy by society in KR was marked by its specificity which in no way coincided with the western type of thinking accepting democratic values as one of the main conditions of society's existence.

For many centuries, the societies of the peoples of CA, including KR, were characterized by sacramental feature of power marked by worship of elders; the tribal features of political consciousness were rather strong and stable at the level of sub-consciousness, which promoted tribalism in contemporary policy and caused a new wave of "democratic sacramental feature" of power. These traditions were kept despite all attempts of the socialist regime to eradicate them, and they

increased after the country gained its sovereignty. At the same time, not single new political elite was able to become the national elite. Exactly the elites are responsible for carrying out significant historic reforms in society. American sociologists and futurologists O. Toiler and X. Toffler asserted that the notion of "the load of responsibility" was the deciding factor in any understanding of democracy and at the level of the elite it was necessary to form the new relations coming from priority of stability idea and of society unity. A non-standard and different from acceptance and understanding of democracy was characteristic for the people themselves and for the political establishment, while the first often regarded as democracy the all possible means of liberty (in common understanding democracy is only the power of majority, which means a chance and the need to execute the power proceeding from comprehension of the masses; hence, the people's revolts demonstrating their unorganized but great power); the second created the "democratic" governance of the Central Asian type (particularly, of its Kyrgyz model).

For a long time there existed the meaning that the Kyrgyz as a freedom loving people and in case of need are heroic people. However, the former barbaric revolts in the country, where the rulers betrayed the people and saved by flight contradict this assertion.

Trying to comprehend the objective reasons of the processes going on in Kyrgyzstan it is possible to make the very significant philosophical conclusion: each historic stage of social development dictates its laws. While in the middle of the XX century (the period of relative stability) it was considered that the people themselves pt forward the historic personality and the irreplaceable people did not exist, by the end of the XX century-by the beginning of the XXI century many philosophers considered that fortuity occupied the principal place; thus, the notion of historic personality acquires a

special meaning. Just a chance gave to Kyrgyzstan as "a gift" the first president, and continuation of historic traditions and political development of the republic depended on him; exactly he made the foundations of the leadership. The appearance of the second president was not yet a chance; the destinies of both political leaders turned out to be the same to a large extent; however, the "tulip" revolution was added as an event in the second case. Meanwhile, the ordinary "fortuity" resulted in a new state coup d'etat making it possible to speak about the tradition of the exclusively forceful change of power. However, historic knowledge and common sense force to admit that traditions may be and sometimes should be changed to prevent emergence of the famous Hegel's "evil eternity".

Kyrgyzstan is on the eve of the third "renovation", and thoughts about the future of the country are quite natural in this situation; the great historic responsibility has been put on the provisional government, which assumed the task to change in principle the form of the state's development. In this connection, it is necessary to admit that a limit of the people's confidence has been used long time ago, and the people will logically express not only doubts and suspiciousness but even certain nihilism. Who is a charismatic leader able to ensure "a leap" to the historic future? Will the people avoid being emerged in abyss of hopelessness due to the internal sense of the provisional government and as a result of installation of the parliamentarian form of governance? It is evident that the next conflict of interests will lead the country to an unknown future; two coups d'etat for five years - this is too much for any country leaving aside the small republic immerged in endless contradictions and the permanent economic crisis and political conflicts.

What should be done to preserve statehood and to ensure a stable development of the state? First, it is necessary to pay a special attention

to the Constitution of KR (which was changed five times for the period of sovereign development); the permanent encroachments on the Principal Law of the country show that it is not a guarantee of security, national independence and development. At present, the sixth and principal change of the Constitution is in the process of making amendments in its text. Will the idea of the parliamentarian republic bring escape for Kyrgyzstan? Probably, the idea itself is good; however, it is impossible to realize it in the country with prevailing economic troubles, permanent political conflicts, social explosions and spiritual bankruptcy of the population. At the same time, the success of parliamentarianism to a large extent depends on maturity of the political parties with clearly elaborated development conception and the social basis, as well as on existence of charismatic leaders.

At present, the election race has started in the country; new parties are being formed in haste raising the level of chaos. In this connection, it should be stressed that there exist the political parties, which have functioned for a long time, and it seemed that they would be able to elaborate the variants of exit from the shaped crisis. The members of the provisional government often compare Kyrgyzstan with Great Britain, which, mildly speaking, might be considered as a political shortsightedness: the question is the comparison of the state with the totally different historic ways, leaving aside the level of political consciousness and social memory, the level of economic, social development and culture (primarily, - political culture). This comparison recalls the slogan of transforming KR into Central Asian Switzerland causing a smile up to the present time; unfortunately, in the course of elaboration of the strategy of the state's development we raked around for something.

Having acquired the idea of parliamentarianism, KR in the course of hard time provokes a radical change of the political system. It

is probable that the events in the republic, though, will give a new push to development, since it is known that tragedy possesses a vast cultural creative potential. One more argument in favor of parliamentarianism may be the fact that there were in history of Kyrgyz the events of taking collective decisions to determine the destiny of the nation. In any case, the realization of the idea of parliamentarian republic will show whether and to what extent the present elite supports the patriotic senses of saving the Motherland and whether it is capable to solve the most important problems from the point of view of national interests. At present, KR is on the edge of the abyss, and parliamentarianism either finally will liquidate the republic or will cause a break of collective wisdom, will and resoluteness and will keep statehood; the instinct of self-preservation should show the optimal way for development.

The theoretical underlying reason for a possible leap of Kyrgyzstan to the future may be the idea that the archetype of Kyrgyz, namely the mentality of nomads, inter alia, is marked by susceptibility to changes; the Kyrgyz rather easily adapt to the changing conditions. The second, not les significant condition for further development of the republic is a sober and objective view on the chance itself to build a democratic state; it is necessary to determine whether this idea is a super-idea for the Kyrgyz. Western liberalism and democracy are acceptable for the West itself having achieved certain positive results, which it "shares" with the whole world; but is it worth copying some other's experience and will we achieve the same success? To the author's mind, the practice of elementary copying without taking into account the local cultural-historic traditions is senseless.

In this case, the most attractive approach seems to be the idea of the constructivists, who prefer the principal consideration that the social reality in neither unchangeable nor rationally pre-determined. Reality is

marked by originality in terms of values and culture. The constructivists proceed from the assertion that any rationality possesses its historic peculiar roots; it is created and re-created by activities of the politically significant participants. The interests themselves (consequently, also rationality) have been originated in the social sphere and do not represent the result of intellectual attempts. They are subject primarily to the social study and comprehension. The historic and political perception of the interests is the key for such understanding. Hence, there are three main principles of constructivism: the cultural, the historic and the political determination of social actions.

In any case one should not change reality according to the certain prepared standards in the course of state's construction and termination of certain social action. It is necessary to take into account the cultural-historic factors: the peculiar perception of the world, the system of values existing in society as well as the political consciousness and social memory. One should not forget that in the process of strategic determination of development it is necessary to proceed from the national interests and to stress their priority and not to try to apply mechanically existing conceptions, which dictate the determined strategic behavior; at the same time, on should agree to a certain geopolitical compromise.

One should not forget that in the course of construction of a sovereign state the key role is played by ideology, while Kyrgyzstan failed to elaborate it for two decades. And it is rather difficult to overcome the existing social contradictions without a strategic perspective of further development. For the first years of independence the theory of ideology's harm; many conferences and seminars were held on incorporation of non-ideological consciousness, while the idea of western democracy itself contains a certain cultural-ideological context.

Further, the attempts were taken to create national ideology, but all of them failed. It concerns "Seven Precepts of "Manas" interpreting the spiritual heritage in favor of political aims, the slogan "Kyrgyzstan -Our Common House" incorrectly touching the question of inter-ethnic consent, as well as the idea "Kyrgyzstan - the Country of Human Rights", which in no way stressed KR in the list of other states, since any state may be called in this way. Thus, at present there is an urgent need to advance an actual national idea able to consolidate the nation, while in principle it should realize the idea of civil identity.

The period of sovereign development in the CIS countries was marked by the crisis of identity, which emerged in Kyrgyzstan in all its forms: civil, national and religious forms. The identity of hierarchy, presented by the West, staggers by numerous small features; this theory, particularly its ideological component, being an interpretation of the notion of national self-consciousness was discussed recently in Kyrgyzstan. It is difficult to speak about probable rallying of the people round any idea without adequate cultivation of the phenomenon of civil identity. Besides, it is also necessary to remember about poly-ethnicity and poly-cultural peculiarity of Kyrgyzstan; there exists the problem of keeping ethnic diversity and ensuring sustainable development of all nationalities on the basis of civil unity. Identity is an individual phenomenon, but it is also the product of reciprocal action: any person becomes a member of some ethic group and, consequently, a bearer of certain ethnic identity not thanks to his origin (biological or cultural-historical) but owing to the role, which is played by him in social mutual cooperation. Identity is not a virtue but the relation; hence, its openness and volatility.

Is it not senseless artificially to try to create ideology, which further will not be demanded? Probably, it would be wiser to separate it from the process of constructing the world, while in formation of civil

identity to concentrate attention on its continuity. The main role should be devoted to the education system summoned not only to cultivate this idea by all means but also to improve the mechanisms, which have influence on the perception's integrity (a good example may be considered creation in Soviet time of organizations of oktyabryonoks, pioneers and Young Communist Leaguers). At the same time, it is worth recalling Yu. Khabermas theory on the need to accept identity as a project. As he proposed, it is very significant to see identity not only as a notion of the past but as a project; in this way the cultural context is supplemented by the social-political substance. The contradictions between citizenship and national identity may be solved by the theory of "political acculturation" proposed by Yu. Khabermas; the corresponding subjective and objective factors play a significant role in its realization. The subjective factor is expressed in capability and readiness of the person to understand and to accept its position, i.e. to integrate in his new state. The objective factor consists in the state's responsibility for creation of a new political system and in compliance with democratic values as the sole acceptable notion, while priority is given to protection of rights and interests of citizens. In this case, the democratic values should be perceived within the framework of western perception, and the process not based on democratic values will soon be thrown away or will degrade beyond recognition, noted D. Howgland.

In the context of this thesis it is possible to assert that the processes going on in Kyrgyzstan were not based on the democratic values in their western understanding, which resulted in degradation of artificial democracy. The crisis of the state development inevitably raises also the crisis of civil identity displayed both at the civil and cultural levels; it is the consequence of the loss of demand and importance of the human self-determination within the framework of society and culture. This social-cultural situation needs the test by time.

As a response to political and social challenges of the contemporary situation shall be regarded a new civil "state" identity, which resembles public self-consciousness: as high is its level so adequate is it to the global world. The problem of formation of civil society within the framework of independent national state is quite urgent from the point of view of pluralism and dialogue of cultures, since the accent is made on civil and cultural identity as a founding mechanism of self-determination and self-realization of society. The regional identity within the framework of the geopolitical region of CA also plays a rather great role, which at present actualizes and functionalizes; it may significantly promote progressive development of each country. The formation of such Central Asian identity is in great need, since only the region as a whole is able to confront the challenges of contemporary globalization: a single state is unable to do it. From the point of view of geopolitical unity, the situation in Kyrgyzstan can not help bringing troubles to its nearest neighbors; a further aggravation of the crisis situation in KR threatens the region with a loss of integrity and destabilization.

The process of democratic reforms in Kyrgyzstan is closely connected with modernization of all spheres of life - economic, political, social and spiritual; since the first years of sovereignty it transformed in westernization, i.e. copying of models of political institutions and systems of values of the West. However, the innovations were unable to "incorporate themselves" in society and caused "the syndrome of alienation"; the conservative-traditional features of the Kyrgyz national character were displayed with the unknown force. It is quite probable that the variant of KR development does not fit the common generally accepted frameworks of democracy's notion. Consequently, modernization also should acquire its strategy with due account of all nuances of economy and individual

political culture of the people marked rather often by very contradictory displays.

* * *

The analysis of the reasons of the shaped social-political and social-cultural situation in Kyrgyzstan makes it possible to see better the present time but also in a certain way to have a look at the future. One of the most significant steps in the process of elaboration of the strategy of further development of KR is comprehension at the state level of disastrous results of mechanical copying of democratic standards; of great significance is a deep comprehension of the specific cultural-historic context shaped in the republic. At the same time, the perception of the thinking culture plays a significant role; a good accent on cultivation of certain features of mentality is able to bring more sustainable and long-term results, since the human being as the main subject of the state is the criterion of development of any society. This approach is connected with actualization of issues of patriotism, which serves as a tuning fork of unity of the people.

For the last decades, patriotism was considered a very unpopular phenomenon of the post-Soviet period; however, the events in KR showed the reversible situation: patriotism is laid at the level of subconsciousness of the Kyrgyz people. At present, Kyrgyzstan should use all its chances for a break; it is necessary to decide the question "to be or not to be?" It seems that the sole correct answer to this question since earliest times should become creation of the democratic society based on its specific cultural-historic context.

"Tsentralnaya Aziya i Kavkaz ", Luleo (Shvetsiya), 2010, t. 13, vol. 3, p. 177-184.

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