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А. Шаназарова
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Shanazarova A. Exemplarity and the transformative power of belief in a comparative study of Teresa of Avila and Agha-yi Buzurg. Bulletin of Prikamsky Social Institute. 2017. No. 2 (77). Pp. 143-148.
Шаназарова А. Преобразующая сила веры на примере сравнительного исследования жизни Терезы Авильской и Ага-йи Бузург // Вестник Прикамского социального института. 2017. № 2 (77). С. 143-148.
УДК 271+291.4
A. Shanazarova
Indiana University-Bloomington, Bloomington, the United States of America
EXEMPLARITY AND THE TRANSFORMATIVE POWER OF BELIEF IN A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF TERESA OF AVILA AND AGHA-YI BUZURG
Shanazarova Aziza - PhD Candidate.
E-mail: azishana@umail. iu. edu
The present paper examines the lives of Teresa of Avila and Agha-yi Buzurg from a comparative perspective. The paper shows that both saintly women went through similar religious experiences in male dominant societies where they were active. The author argues that authorization by male counterparts of Teresa of Avila and Agha-yi Buzurg played an important role in their acceptance as exemplary religious women in their societies.
Key words: female religiosity, gender, Agha-yi Buzurg, Teresa of Avila.
А. Шаназарова
Индианский университет в Блумингтоне, Блумингтон, Соединенные Штаты Америки
ПРЕОБРАЗУЮЩАЯ СИЛА ВЕРЫ НА ПРИМЕРЕ СРАВНИТЕЛЬНОГО ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЖИЗНИ ТЕРЕЗЫ АВИЛЬСКОЙ И АГА-ЙИ БУЗУРГ
Шаназарова Азиза - PhD Candidate.
В настоящей статье дается сравнительный анализ жизни Терезы Авильской и Ага-йи Бузург. В статье показано, что обе святые женщины прошли схожий религиозный путь и были активны в обществах, где доминируют мужчины. Автор утверждает, что признание Терезы из Авилы и Ara-йи Бузург образцами женского духовного служения не было бы возможным без одобрения их действий мужской частью общества.
Ключевые слова: женская религиозность, гендер, Ага-йи Бузург, Тереза Авильская.
My paper will compare the 16th century Sufi woman Agha-yi Buzurg who was active in the vicinity of Bukhara to another 16th century prominent Spanish mystic and Carmelite nun, Teresa of Avila, who was canonized thirty-five years after her death by the Catholic Church and who
© Шаназарова А., 2017
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Наука и образование
was the first woman to be proclaimed a Doctor of the Church in 1969. The lives of both female saints, who lived at the same time but in two completely different realms, are similar in some ways. During their lifetimes both of the saintly women were under constant suspicion by religious authorities, but at the same time both had many followers including powerful nobles who allowed them to survive. However, Agha-yi Buzurg did not write, whereas Teresa of Avila was an active writer. We know about Agha-yi Buzurg's discourses only through the work Mazhar al-'aja'ib wa majma' al-ghara'ib (Manifestation of Miracles and Collection of Marvels) written by her male disciple Hafiz Basir forty years after her death in 1523. By comparing Agha-yi Buzurg and Teresa of Avila, I would like to show that both women went through similar religious experiences in male-dominant societies because of their claim for authority traditionally held by men. Employing Simone de Beauvoir's analysis of Teresa of Avila, as critiqued by Amy Hollywood, I will examine Agha-yi Buzurg and her role in medieval Islamic Central Asia. I am interested in exploring how Agha-yi Buzurg's accomplishments as a female Sufi leader were possible taking into account the circumstances in which she lived. Relying on Hollywood's examination of Teresa of Avila, I will argue that like Teresa, Agha-yi Buzurg transcends sexual difference through her belief in God or, as Hollywood puts it, through "authorization by God" (Hollywood, 2002, p. 136).
In her analysis, de Beauvoir puts significant emphasis on Teresa's strength of will, through which she overcomes sexual difference and steps into a role traditionally held by men. Hollywood criticizes de Beauvoir for masculinizing Teresa's transcendence of sexual difference and for attaching to female saints absolute will through which they (female saints) claim manly authority. Thus, according to Hollywood, de Beauvoir depicts strong exceptional women as masculine rather than feminine. The case of Agha-yi Buzurg does not quite fit within de Beauvoir's framework, because de Beauvoir argues that in certain exceptional cases woman can refuse to be the other to the male subject through the force of her will. In addition, it is difficult to visualize Teresa's overcoming sexual differences just because of her strength of will if we contextualize her case within 16th century medieval Europe.
Employing Hollywood's suggestion that the actions through which Teresa transcended sexual difference were dependent on both human and divine authorization and legitimation, one could propose that Hafiz Basiz, the author of Mazhar al-'aja'ib , legitimized Agha-yi Buzurg's transcendence of sexual difference not through her strength of will, but through her belief in God. As a counterargument to de Beauvoir's representation of Teresa as an existentialist, Hollywood suggests that what Teresa encounters is death, mortality, and loss, and she argues that her belief in God enables Teresa to act in the face of death (Hollywood, p. 16). Examination of Agha-yi Buzurg's active role as a Sufi master through the prism of Teresa allows us to conclude that the belief in God was the most important catalyst for her "to be everything" in 16th century Islamic Central Asia. In this paper I will show that these two women were viewed as transcending their gender and, by this, becoming exemplary religious women.
Agha-yi Buzurg - a Female Sufi Shaykh
The text of Mazhar al-'aja'ib demonstrates tensions between rival groups of religious authorities and Agha-yi Buzurg's circle. The discourses in the text portray a challenge to the dominant male model of religious authority. It seems like Mazhar al- 'aja 'ib was written to defend Agha-yi Buzurg's legitimacy as a female Sufi shaykh. Crucially, in order to establish Agha-yi Buzurg's authority Hafiz Basir depicts Agha-yi Buzurg as a Sufi whose silsila, spiritual chain of transmission, goes back to the Prophet Muhammad via the eponymous founder of the
Naqshbandiya order Baha al-Din Naqshband.1 The specific characteristic of Agha-yi Buzurg's spiritual lineage is seen in the fact that it includes names of shaykhs of three major Sufi traditions in Central Asia such as Naqshbandiya, Yassaviya and Kubraviya. In the introduction to his work, Hafiz Basir explains that he started writing Mazhar al- 'aja 'ib after Agha-yi Buzurg appeared in a dream and instructed him to write a treatise based on her teachings. Her spiritual path that is referred to as tariqa-yi ahl al-bayt is depicted as her devotion to the family of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. According to Hafiz Basir, Agha-yi Buzurg related that the legacy of the Prophet Muhammad was passed to her through various shaykhs of different Sufi lineages and from Agha-yi Buzurg it was supposed to pass to Hafiz Basir. Agha-yi Buzurg explained that that she inherited this silsila and that she was taught the observances of this path by the mysterious figure in Islamic tradition, Khidr. Mazhar al- 'aja 'ib describes Agha-yi Buzurg's mystical journey as beginning when she embraced the guiding light of the teachings of the earlier masters. The mysterious prophet-saint Khidr introduced her to these teachings. It is important to note that for Hafiz Basir, through Agha-yi Buzurg's claim to the Prophet's spirituality and her achievement of the highest Sufi spiritual station (maqamat), she moves beyond gendered relation as a Sufi master.
Hafiz Basir mentions that the rivalry between Agha-yi Buzurg and the religious authorities of the city of Bukhara resulted in accusations that Agha-yi Buzurg's followers were guilty of heresy. Thus they were persecuted after her death. Like Teresa, Agha-yi Buzurg enjoyed royal patronage that played an important role in saving her personally from persecution during her lifetime. She was also protected after her death. Due to the intercession of Moghul Khanim, 2 who was the wife of the ruler 'Ubaydullah Khan, the efforts of the local 'ulama (religious scholars) under the famous Islamic theologian Mir-i 'Arab to destroy Agha-yi Buzurg's grave ten days after her death were unsuccessful.
In writing his work (like Teresa), Hafiz Basir had to take into consideration contemporary ideologies of gender in a highly religious society in order to represent Agha-yi Buzurg as a legitimate Sufi master who was openly challenged by religious scholars of Bukhara. De Beauvoir's emphasis on Teresa's singularity against institutional oppression was critiqued by Hollywood, according to whom, Teresa's claim to divine authorization enabled her to accomplish what she did in the world (Hollywood, p. 137). By attaching divine authorization to Agha-yi Buzurg's Sufi lineage (silsila), Hafiz Basir promotes his master as a possessor of divine knowledge within the context of a male-dominant society.
Hollywood critiques de Beauvoir for attributing freedom to Teresa. De Beauvoir's Teresa escapes "solipsism of masculine subjectivity" (that denies the existence of the other) and "narcissism of feminine subjectivity" (that embraces the self as object of desire). On the contrary, Hollywood suggests that the solipsistic relationship between Teresa and God pulsates through Teresa's active engagement with the world (Hollywood, p. 138-139). Critiquing de Beauvoir's assumption regarding the human desire to be God, Hollywood insists that Teresa's mystical relationship with God made possible her freedom and enabled her to engage with other conscious beings (Hollywood, ibid).
Agha-yi Buzurg - "Great Man" vs. Teresa - "Virile Woman"
The comparison of these two female mystics highlights the possibility of more than one model of gender. Teresa was described as "a virile woman" in the Christian tradition. Alison
1 One should note that Hafiz Basïr and his master Agha-yi Buzurg were mentioned in other works written within the Naqshbandi tradition.
2 Moghul Khanim was a daughter of the Chaghatayid Sultan Mahmud Khan who was married first to Muhammad Shaybani Khan and later to 'Ubaydallah Sultan.
Weber examines documents related to Teresa's beatification and canonization that describe Teresa as a possessor of a "manly soul," and "manly courage" (Weber, 1990, p. 17). In his poem from 1615, Diego de San Jose described Teresa's deeds as those that "are not of those of woman but of glorious man." The sermon from 1627, which was dedicated to Teresa's proclamation as a co-patron of Spain, proclaims Teresa's transcendence of her sexual inferiority (Weber, p. 18). Weber points to the text from 1614 that describes a hieroglyph depicting Teresa with walls in the middle of her body and towers growing out of her breasts which is accompanied with a Latin inscription that reads "Our little sister does not have breasts."
The name of Agha-yi Buzurg denotes a similar emphasis on gender. It should be noted that we do not know the real name of Agha-yi Buzurg. "Agha-yi Buzurg" is an honorific title which literally means "Great Man," or "Elder Brother." Outside of Central Asia, the term "Agha," which is of Turco-Persian origin, became an honorific title used for the chief of a tribe or family, and a military officer. In the introduction toMazhar al- 'aja'ib, it is written that out of respect one should call her Agha-yi Buzurg. However, it is unclear from the text that this title was used during Agha-yi Buzurg's lifetime. The author of Mazhar al-'aja'ib uses the title hadrat-i khudawand (His Holiness Master) to refer to Agha-yi Buzurg. The term khudawand is usually used to refer to a man of great authority.
Apparently, in the 16th century in order to be considered as "virtuous" or holy, women had to be depicted in "gender reassigned" terms. This conclusion is certainly applicable to both Teresa, "a virile woman," and Agha-yi Buzurg, the "Great Man." Both had male disciples and engaged in theological discourses at the time when such activities were occupied almost exclusively by men. They both overcame the sexual difference which resulted in their being described in male terms.
Hafiz Basir's depiction of his master as a possessor of esoteric knowledge passed to her by the Prophet Muhammad and her representation as a source for spiritual superiority moves her on the male-female scale more toward the side occupied by manly authority. Agha-yi Buzurg was referred to as having manlike characteristics similar to Teresa who was characterized as a "virile woman" with a "manly soul." De Beauvoir admired Teresa's exceptional ability to take the responsibility for herself and for the world which in that era were privileges enjoyed solely by men. Here de Beauvoir attaches "manly" qualities to Teresa by making her an exceptional woman, similar to a man.
Agha-yi Buzurg - An Idealized Woman
Throughout Mazhar al-'aja'ib, Agha-yi Buzurg is praised as "imama of the time,"1 like 'A'isha and Fatima, two idealized women in Islamic tradition. Fatima, was the Prophet Muhammad's daughter, whereas 'A'isha was his wife. Hafiz Basir honored and venerated Agha-yi Buzurg as a perfect female role model. It should be noted that Hafiz Basir twice refers to Agha-yi Buzurg as mastura khatun, which can be translated as "a Chaste Lady." Lack of information about Agha-yi Buzurg's family in Mazhar al-'aja'ib allows us to suppose that the title "mastura khatun" was used to describe Agha-yi Buzurg in order to indicate her chastity and purity. According to oral narratives recorded at her shrine in Bukhara,2 during attempts of the persecutors to kill Agha-yi Buzurg and her disciples, she disappears with the help of the prophetlike saint Khidr. It is believed that Agha-yi Buzurg was virgin at the time of her disappearance. We should note even today Agha-yi Buzurg is better known under the honorific title Qiz-Bibi, or Virgin Lady. The oral tradition of Agha-yi Buzurg's birth can be equated to the Islamic version
1 Imam is the leader of the Muslim community.
2 I visited the shrine of Agha-yi Buzurg during last summer and interviewed shrine care-takers.
of the birth of the Virgin Mary, the perfect female role model in Christian tradition. According to the story, after her parents prayed for twenty-one years to have a child, the mother of Agha-yi Buzurg finally become pregnant. They took care of Agha-yi Buzurg for her first nine years, after which she leaves the house to dedicate herself to the service of God by adopting forty virgin girls and educating them. Without examining in detail the oral narratives on Agha-yi Buzurg that echo many other traditions, it is obvious that chastity and purity of our lady played an important role in her portrayal as an ideal woman.
Similar to the Virgin Mary, Agha-yi Buzurg is depicted as a perfect, comforting and non-challenging woman. She is represented as a servant of God. Idealization of Agha-yi Buzurg's virginity reveals her male disciples' desire to eliminate masculine concern about women's sexual subjectivity. Her virgin status relieves her male followers of the anxiety about her female sexuality. The virginity of Agha-yi Buzurg separates her from other earthly women and removes her from female subjection and seduction. She is not one whom they need to fear.
Like the Virgin Mary, Agha-yi Buzurg's status puts her above the masculine desire to create and control. Agha-yi Buzurg is not bound to characteristics of the human female such as puberty, menopause, bleeding, pregnancy, and childbirth. As de Beauvoir insists, even though biology is the key to understanding women, these facts fail to explain why a woman is the Other (De Beauvoir, 1989, p. 32-33). A woman's representation as the Other is linked to man's desire to keep a woman in a state of dependence (De Beauvoir, p. 139). According to de Beauvoir, woman is the intermediary between nature and man. By possessing and subjugating a woman's body, man hopes to attain self-realization and to avoid facing their fear of Nature and dependence on Nature (De Beauvoir, p. 142). The female body is both a source of pleasure and danger. A woman symbolizes Eve, whose figure represents everything a man should guard against, and at the same time the Virgin Mary, who is idealized as a perfect role model for women. "Woman is an idol, a servant, the source of life, a power of darkness; she is healing presence and sorceress; she is man's prey, his downfall, she is everything that he is not and that he longs for, his negation and his raison d'être" (De Beauvoir, p. 143). For de Beauvoir, the subject attains himself only through the reality that other than himself, he is in need of the Other that limits and denies him. Man encounters Nature that he is afraid of, but cannot live without. In other words, the subject tries to achieve self-realization through the Other that fulfils the lack in the subject of his desire to be all.
Similar to Teresa's discourses, Agha-yi Buzurg's teachings were not found reliable by the orthodox theologians of Bukhara. For Muslim theologians like Mir-i 'Arab, Agha-yi Buzurg was incapable of theological discourse because she was a woman. On the other hand, Teresa's persecutors were afraid that "once seduced by the succubus of ecstasy, they [women] inevitably were transformed into seducers" (Weber, p. 163). In medieval Europe and Central Asia, women were represented as being easily seduced, which resulted in neglecting feminine discourse. However, Hafiz Basir represents Agha-yi Buzurg as an agent of God on earth by referring to her as "imama [leader of the Muslim community] of the time" in Mazhar al-'aja'ib. Like Teresa, Agha-yi Buzurg was popular among her circle which also included members of the royal family. As mentioned earlier, patronage of the ruling family played a crucial role in saving Agha-yi Buzurg from persecutions by the local religious authorities.
Weber points out that in Counter-Reformation Spain, Teresa's virtues were so anomalous to her sex that they could only be considered miraculous (Weber, p. 164). She concludes that "the only way to comprehend such virtue in a woman was to reassign her gender, to transform her into a 'virile woman'" (Weber, p. 165). For Hollywood, Teresa transcends sexual difference through her belief in God. Her activities were enabled by the world in which she lived through her claims to divine authorization. Analogous to Teresa, in accepting and promoting Agha-yi Buzurg's
virtues, her male disciple Hafiz Basir tried to reassign her gender by transforming her into a "Great Man" in the 16th century Islamic Central Asian society. Agha-yi Buzurg's relationship with God was beyond gender.
According to de Beauvoir, "a sincere faith greatly helps the little girls in avoiding any inferiority complex: she is neither male nor female, but creature of God." Thus, in religion women exist "as subjects not reduced to their sex" (De Beauvoir, p. 135). Both Teresa and Agha-yi Buzurg are like de Beauvoir's "little girls" who are neither male nor female in front of God; they accept God as their lover. Through their love and belief in God, both female mystics transcend femininity and sexual difference. De Beauvoir examines Teresa through the existentialist ethics that accentuate choice and action. Since de Beauvoir's ethics reinforce dualistic hierarchies on which male privilege has traditionally rested, analyzes Hollywood, "the task for women is not to disrupt these hierarchies but to reposition themselves on the side previously occupied only by men" (Hollywood, p. 134). Hollywood criticizes de Beauvoir's analysis emphasizing Teresa's transcendence of gender through her strength of will that disregards the explanation of how Teresa's actions were possible taking into consideration the circumstances under which she lived.
Analyzing Teresa through the prism of existentialist ethics de Beauvoir focuses on Teresa's creation of a free consciousness through the strength of her will. For de Beauvoir, engagement in mysticism provided women compensatory pleasures in a male-dominant society. However, according to Hollywood, de Beauvoir's attempts to create an existentialist Teresa with a strong will and character undermine the centrality of God in Teresa's views, which instead, according to Hollywood, enabled her to engage in meaningful projects (Hollywood, p. 144). Emphasizing the subject's recognition by others, Hollywood criticizes de Beauvoir for not taking into consideration the circumstances through which Teresa's free subjectivity emerges (Hollywood, p. 145). According to Hollywood, de Beauvoir's claim in The Second Sex regarding women's desire for freedom that is not dependent on recognition of others fails her subjectivity.
Through her claims of a mystical-spiritual relationship with the Prophet Muhammad and, most importantly, with God, Agha-yi Buzurg attained freedom to become a Sufi master in the male-dominant society of 16th century Islamic Central Asia. However, neither Teresa nor Agha-yi Buzurg asserted themselves independently as autonomous subjects in light of the circumstances in which they lived. The keys to understanding Teresa of Avila's and Agha-yi Buzurg's transcendence of their gender and acceptance as exemplary religious women, in addition to their deep belief in God, were their approval by others (male church leaders in Teresa's case and male disciples and followers in Agha-yi Buzurg's).
References
1. Beauvoir S. de. (1989) The Second Sex. Trans. and ed. by H. M. Parshley. New York: Vintage
Books.
2. Hollywood A. (2002) Sensible Ecstasy: Mysticism, Sexual Difference, and the Demands of History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
3. Weber A. (1990) Teresa of Avila and the Rhetoric of Femininity. Princeton: Princeton University.
