CC BY
25
EVOLUTION OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION FOR ADULTS IN POLAND (1953-2013): FROM COLLEGES FOR THE EMPLOYED TO EDUCATION FOR 50 PLUS
R. Tomashewsky
Institutional education for adults is academically connected to the work of the Free Polish University in Warsaw1 — a non-public higher academic school entitled to issue state-recognized diplomas. In 1930’s, the University was primarily meant for teachers, although people of other occupations could study there as well. Until the 2nd World War, the students’ age was irrelevant but their economic wealth and educational costs were of huge concern. During the war, the greatest human losses occurred within a social group with a higher education, due to the planned purges of the Polish intellectuals executed by both occupational parties — Germany and the USSR. The losses were even more disturbing if we consider that until 1939, only sixty thousand graduates had graduated from twenty-four higher academic schools in Poland.2 Thus, after the war, higher education needed to be reestablished while education modes and forms needed to be to be liberalized. Consequently, by 1946, there existed thirty-two universities in Poland and their number grew until 1950. It was a paradox that the Free Polish University had not been reopened after the war, yet a growth of socio-economic needs caused the creation of evening and extramural classes for the adults at new universities.
A common trend of that time was to reduce study hours and provide a relatively high level of training, regardless of the study mode (either for adults, or fixed mode). Both modes were practiced by the state, as well as at seven private and religious educational institutions. The breaking point was in 1950 — mostly, due to changes in the social structure and the dominance of the Communist ideology. As a result, most higher education institutions, with the exception of two or three independent religious universities, were nationalized. Strangely, ideological changes led to the number of adult students expanding. In the academic year of 1950—1951, there were seven and a half thousand students enrolled on all modes of study, which was a breakthrough for that time. However, enrollment procedure changed and, firstly, limitations for certain social groups were enforced. Thereafter, education was only regarded as being meant for the employed, and professionally inactive people were considered politically suspicious although work was never imposed as a formal duty.3
Additionally, after 1950, academic education for adults (employed) was free of charge, which also was mostly due to ideology rather than common educational trends. Coincidently, during 1950 to 1953, admission to higher educational
1 Wolna Wszechnica Polska.
2 A. E. Wesotowska, Ksztatcenie ustawiczne w polityce edukacyjnej panstwa, Wyzwania wspotczesnej edukacji dorostych, t. I - Andragogika jako przedmiot akademicki, red. nauk. A. Fabis, Mystowice - Zakopane 2004, s. 82.
3 J. Kluczynski, Szkolnictwo wyzsze w czterdziestoleciu Polski Ludowej, Warszawa - Krakow 1986, s. 21.
331
institutions was tightened, whereby most high school graduates lost the opportunity to study at HEIs. Established quotas (60% of students from workers and 30% from farmers) were also applied to adult education (for the employed). With regard to rural society and its social structure, the number of descendants from farmers or workers with school certificates was minimal, thus attempts against graduates from the intellectual class to prevent their admission because of ideological antipathy were made. Another factor for academic education in the 1950’s was economic demands, which completely removed the opportunity for altruistic education, independent from socio-economic reasons. Polish universities and polytechnic educational institutions kept a high profile in both modes of full-time training / education for adults (employed). This formed natural tools for the selection of graduates from the agricultural and working classes. In the early 1950’s, these graduates had a relatively poorer training for higher education since they had often obtained their school certificates in an accelerated manner. Organized from 1950— 1955, higher schools for advanced workers1 were an attempt to solve the issue. Despite the ideological background, the objective was to create a new, procommunist intellectual class. The schools provided quite a good standard of training. Ironically, many graduates of such colleges then supported the anticommunist opposition.
Another breaking point for the academic education was a socio-political crisis in June-October, 1956.2 Most socio-political limitations for enrollment to higher schools which included those for employed adults were abolished. At the same time, higher pedagogical schools were expanded to cover large regional centers, and most of them were granted academic status in 1956. They were intended for academic training of employed, professionally active teachers.3 Possibilities of gaining technical education for adults also increased, which was due to the industrial advances which transformed the Polish economy from agricultural to industrial. To a certain extent, the polytechnic and pedagogical trends in higher education offered the best conditions for employed adults. Organizational standards regulating education for the academic youth and employed adults were adjusted in the same period. Academic youth was identified as “persons under 34 years old with a minimum age of 25 years old for the adult students”. Conditions for enrollment on the extramural study mode were job tenure (2 years at least) and employer’s consent. Since most employers did not support candidates under 30 years old, almost all employed students could be regarded as adults from 1956—1985. The next element facilitating education for adults was a training speciality associated with the employed student’s occupation. On one hand, this was reasonable while, on the other hand, it became a certain obstacle. In the public opinion, colleges for the employed were of less value and their type was specified in a diploma (e. g.: evening school, extramural study mode, external studies). In the mean time, formal and legislative terms were convenient since employers had to provide paid days off, and holiday leave for examination periods as well as other optional support for the students. Notably, infringement of social
1 Wyzsze Szkoty dla Przodjcych Robotnikow.
2 В литературе это получило название «Польский Октябрь ’56».
3 A. E. Wesotowska, op. cit., s. 85.
332
privileges was rare. More often, getting an employer’s consent for studies or student assignment was a real issue. Employer’s consent did not assume an immediate start of training since applicants had to pass the obligatory entrance examinations. Assigned enrollment meant no entrance examinations. The system was established in 1950—1953 and active from 1953—1984 (1985). Thus, c. 435,000 employed students completed their higher education, which constituted 28% of those who graduated from Polish colleges. Notably, in the same period the number of universities increased by three times.1
Myths about higher education and the Polish intellectual ethos, which was stable despite the proletarian values promoted by the communist authorities, motivated employed adults to further their education. In a sense, the above mentioned ethos proved the limited character of higher education: until 1990, colleges could only enroll 10% of high school graduates. Thereconnection of Poland and Western Europe after 1956, and further the enhancement of this contact in the period of Edward Gierek, caused a new trend in university education for Polish adults. Altruistic education, which was reasoned by the desire for personal fulfillment rather than by economic needs, became a new motivation. The idea of free (open) university spread to Poland from Britain. In the years 1978— 1986, a public organization, the Universal Knowledge Community2, together with the Jagiellonian University attempted to establish a Polish Open University by the example of the British Open University. Dr. Franciszek Januszkiewicz, an educator, contributed a lot to the initiative. The Polish concept of the open university resided in the creation of a non-state higher educational institution, e. g. the Free Polish University, headed by the Universal Knowledge Community controlled by the communists. However, the opening of the Free Polish University as a non-state HEI was too complex for the communist authorities to approve. The plan provoked disagreement between the academic pedagogical community and the Ministry of Education. Although in 1986 the HEI was about to be opened, the authorities did not give their final consent. Most likely, it was due to a myth about traditional formal higher education being associated with a school certificate followed by university studies which resulted in an academic diploma, a symbol of education and a lifetime of work. The British Open University enabled studies for those with no school certificate, yet the issue was not solved within the Polish project.3
The academic year of 1985—1986 was influenced by a demographic crisis which affected the number of potential employed applicants and, as a result, their average age significantly decreased (up to 30 years old).4 5 There also were some other effects. In total, until the mid 1980’s, ca. 1.2 million specialists graduated from Polish colleges. At the same time, HEIs addressed professional engineering education. Thus, the universities showed almost no initiative in terms of altruistic education for the adult students. The breakthrough of 1989 and throughout the
1 J. Kluczynski, op. cit., s. 21; B. Ratus, Edukacja w okresie reform ustrojowych. Studia i szkice pedagogiczne, Zielona Gora 1996, s. 57.
2 Towarzystwo Wiedzy Powszechnej.
3 A. E. Wesotowska, Brytyjski Uniwersytet Otwarty. Stan aktualny, Kultura i Edukacja 3/1993, s. 69.
4 J. Kluczynski, op. cit., s. 24.
5 B. Suchodolski, Problemy i zadania polityki oswiatowej, nauka a rozwoj kraju. Wybrane problemy, red. E. Haton, Ossolineum 1980, s. 183 i 196 - 197.
333
1990’s was political, as the demand for an academic education suddenly increased, and the new environment reacted with “an educational boom”. For 10 years, the number of colleges in Poland increased from ninety to four hundred and fifty, of which three hundred HEIs were non-state (private and religious). Some new universities were granted academic status, yet the proportion with 70% of full-time students and 30% of employed adults in both state and non-state HEIs changed. Now, the number of students of both study modes has increased fourfold and equals 2 million people of which 1.5 million are adults. Until 2005, the growth was determined by unemployment and hopes that higher education will enhance the candidate’s labor market competitiveness. Another source of motivation was a sudden increase in the qualification requirements for some occupations, which were additionally reinforced by formal requirements due to the integration of Poland into the EU. After 2005, the situation gradually changed. Improved economic standards together with a good economic environment in later crisis years significantly reduced the stress from economic factors on the academic education for adults. Since 2010, the effects of declining birthrates, as well as changes in age distribution, such as the increase in the population of a preretirement age (with those who had a right for early retirement included), have become notable.1 In the meantime, a demand for the creation or adjustment of altruistic education for adults in Poland has arisen. As early as the mid 1990’s, the number of people who chose a paid education only for their own pleasure and selffulfillment rather than for economic reasons increased greatly, and currently makes up 15-20% of adult students.
At the same time, there evolved the problem of the didactic and scientific efficiency of the Polish state and non-state HEIs amidst the growing demographic crisis. Presently, universities have a huge and under-fulfilled potential, which must be properly utlised. The phenomenon developed with the appearance of an entirely new type of student. In the last two or three years, adult students of 40 to 50 years old have been studying together with the academic youth of 19 to 20 years old. The issue is connected with the dynamic development of third-age universities, which offer studies without common academic rules for the people over 40 years of age. As a rule, a basic requirement of the third-age universities is a certificate of secondary education. There are also specialized third-age universities, e. g. for individuals with disabilities. Such a university has been active in Elblag since 1999. In 2012, three hundred and eighty-five third-age universities operated in Poland.2
Non-traditional students appeared in the HEIs, and being adults, are enrolled on various modes of academic training and obtain a first as well as a second higher education. Full-time study is free of charge. Prof. B. D. Got^bniak draws our attention to the impact made by these students (apart from the foreign students, e. g. on the Erasmus program) on the creation of completely new student groups
1 Job reduction was mainly caused by technological development and migration abroad (e. g.: 2 mln young, professionally active Poles moved to English-speaking countries).
2 URL: http://www.federacjautw.pl/putw/images/glowna/standardy.pdf Standardy dziafania Uniwersytetow Trzeciego Wieku w Polsce, opracowanie zbiorowe, Nowy S^cz 2012, s. 8-11; B. Boczukowa, Edukacja trzeciego wieku jako czynnik procesu ksztafcenia i wychowania dorosfych, Wyzwania wspotczesnej..., op. cit., s. 191-192.
334
1
which are ad hoc “casual, temporary educational communities”. The newest phenomenon to have appeared at our university is academic education for adults in the “50 plus” age group. This is a full-time, free program orientated at retirees. The study mode is full-time, since it assumes that a diploma will be gained, and all standards and complete courses slightly modified as opposed to the academic youth courses. Over fifty students on the “50 plus” program were admitted to first year studies with a major in History. Thus, their number prevails in the speciality. Notably, the number of applicants was significantly larger and, most likely, the adult students (retirees) who study on a full-rate and full-time mode will dominate admissions in the following year.
Today, a motivation for studies at this age is hard to define. To a certain extent, we can conclude that the economic factor dominates on the extramural study mode, though it is not notable. However, almost all students of the “50 plus” program are guided by self-fulfillment. The full-time adult students intended for the academic youth have no well-defined motivation, yet their studiousness and discipline is significant. In turn, adult students are no longer the majority on the part-time (extramural or evening) mode. The above mentioned trends will be profoundly analyzed and observed in the long-term perspective of at least 3 to 4 years, as the HEIs react to the students’ changing age structure, and possibly make their offers more flexible. We believe a “50 plus” program can be a good investment in the social activities for individuals of the ages between sociooccupational dynamism and late adulthood.
Translated from Russian by Znanije Central Translations Bureau 1
1 B. D. Got^bniak, Poszukiwanie - refleksyjnosc - dialektyczne uczenie siq. Nowe praktyki edukacyjne w szkole wyzszej, Innowacje w edukacji akademickiej. Szkolnictwo wyzsze w procesie zmiany, red. nauk. J. Piekarski i D. Urbaniak - Zaj^c, todz 2010, s. 257.
335
