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8. Salihova A. R., Ul'danova D. R. Finansovye rynki i posredniki: uchebnoe posobie dlya studentov ehkonomicheskih special'nostej/A. R. Salihova. - Pavlodar: Kereku, 2011. - 160 s.
9. Belov V. A. Cennye bumagi v rossijskom grazhdanskomprave /Pod red. prof. E.A. Suhanova. - M.: Uchebno-konsul'tacionnyj centr «YUrlnfoR», 1996. - 448 s.
10. Didenko A.G. Obespechenie ispolneniya dogovorov. Nauchnoe izdanie. / Astana: ZAO Institut zakonodatel'stva Respubliki Kazahstan, 2002. - 184 s.
УДК 342.8
ELECTORAL SYSTEMS AND REPRESENTATIVENESS OF WOMEN IN ELECTED BODIES
Abdildina Danara Bagdatovna
Junior research fellow, Department of International legislation and Comparative Law of Legislation Institute of the Republic of Kazakhstan, master of Laws, Astana, the Republic of Kazakhstan; e-mail: danaraabdi@gmail.com
Keywords: elections, electoral law; electoral systems; gender equality; gender quotas; discrimination against women.
Abstract. The article deals with the substantial issue of women's enfranchisement. The author points out the complexity of the problem by disclosing its internal aspects: the right of women to be elected, their desire to stand for election as candidates, the inclusion of female candidates in a party list, the assignment of a deputy mandate as a result of the voting. It's considered that the electoral system has a predominant influence on the level of women's representativeness. The world practice shows that the states with proportional list electoral system tend to give female candidates more chances to be endowed with deputy mandates than the majoritarian system.
Author comes to the conclusion that the electoral system of Kazakhstan creates a favorable environment for the growth of women's representation in elective bodies, however, for having a real impact on this problem, certain criteria for representation must be established.
In this regard such method of enhancing the women's participation in election as gender quotas is observed. The women's representativeness depends on the methods and origin of such quotas, whether they are fixed in law (obligatory quotas) or in parties' charter (voluntary quotas). Gender quotas is a wide-spread method used in nearly hundred countries. European countries prefer non-mandatory party quotas, while such countries as the Philippines, Belgium, Slovenia, France, Latin American use legislative quotas.
Having analyzed national legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan, charters of functioning political parties, author points out the absence of any guarantees for women's representativeness in elected bodies and makes proposals for amendments to legislation in this sphere.
САЙЛАУ ЖYЙЕЛЕРI ЖЭНЕ ЭЙЕЛДЕРДЩ САЙЛАНБАЛЫ ОРГАНДАРДАГЫ ВК1ЛД1Л1Г1
Данара Багдат^ызы Эбдыдина
Казацстан Республикасы Зацнама институтыныц
Халыцаралыц зацнама жэне салыстырмалы цщыцтану бвлiмiнiц Krni гылыми цызметкерi, зац гылымдарыныц магистрi, Казахстан Республикасы, Астана ц.; е-mail: danaraabdi@gmail.com
Tymu свздер: сайлау; сайлау цуцыгы; сайлау жуйелерц гендерлж тецдж, гендерлж квота; эйелдерге цатысты дискриминация.
Аннотация. Осы гылыми мацала сайлау npo^d аясында эйелдерге тец цуцыцты та-быс ету мэселеЫне арналган. Автор зерттелт отырган мэселенщ кешендштне квцт ау-дарады, жэне эйелдердщ сайлану цуцыгы, олардыц сайлауда кандидат реттде цатысуга ниетi, партия тiзiмiнe эйел жынысты кандидаттарды eнгiзу, сайлау нэтижестде депутат мандатына иэ болу сияцты оныц 1шк\ аспектшерш белгтейд1 Сайлау жуйеЫ эйелдердщ сайланбалы органдарда вктдШггне коп ыцпал eтeдi деп саналады. Халыцаралыц цауымдастыцтыц ортац ойы бойынша прапорционалды жуйе эйелдердщ квп депутаттыц
Жас галым Mm6epi
мандат алуына улкен ыцпал жасайды.
Автор Казацстанныц цаз1рг1 сайлау ЖYйесi эйелдердщ сайланбалы органдардагы ешлдтгте цолайлы орта жасайды, бiрац, аталган мэселеге нацты ыцпал ету Yшiн ешлдтктщ белгт критерийлерт аныцтау тшс деген ойга келедi.
Осыган орай, мацалада цай жерде тiркелгенiне байланысты (зацда немесе партия жаргысында) эр тYрлi мтдеттеме кYшiне ие болатын гендерлт квота сияцты эйелдердщ ешлдтгт кушейту секiлдi тэсл зерттеледi. Генделыц квоталар ЖYзден аса мемлекет-терде кещнен цолданылатын тэсы болып табылады. Еуропалыц мемлекеттер мiндеттi емес партиялыц квоталарга артыцшылыцты бередi. Эз кезегтде зацнамалыц квоталар Филиппин, Бельгия, Словения, Франция, Латын Америка мемлекеттертде цолданылады.
Казацстан Республикасыныц улттыц зацнамасын, эрекет ететт саяси партиялардыц жаргысын зерттеп, автор эйелдердщ сайланбалы органдардагы ешлдтгте кетлдттердт жоцтыгын белгiлейдi, жэне сайлау туралы тиiстi улттыц зацнамага тузетулер енгiзу бойынша усыныстарды енгiзедi.
ИЗБИРАТЕЛЬНЫЕ СИСТЕМЫ И ПРЕДСТАВЛЕННОСТЬ ЖЕНЩИН В ВЫБОРНЫХ ОРГАНАХ
Абдильдина Данара Багдатовна
Младший научный сотрудник отдела международного законодательства и сравнительного правоведения Института законодательства Республики Казахстан, магистр юридических наук, Астана, Казахстан; е-таИ: danaraabdi@gmail.com
Ключевые слова: выборы, избирательное право, избирательные системы, гендерное равенство, гендерные квоты, дискриминация против женщин.
Аннотация. Данная научная статья посвящена вопросу предоставления равных прав женщинам в области избирательного процесса. Автор обращает внимание на комплексность исследуемого вопроса и выделяет его внутренние аспекты, такие как право женщин быть избранными, их желание участвовать в выборах в качестве кандидатов, включение кандидатов женского пола в список партии, получение депутатского мандата в результате голосования. Считается, что избирательная система оказывает преимущественное влияние на уровень представленности женщин в выборных органах. Международное сообщество сходится во мнении, что пропорциональная система является наиболее благоприятствующей для получения женщинами большего числа депутатских мандатов.
Автор приходит к выводу, что существующая избирательная система Казахстана создает благоприятную среду для роста представленности женщин в выборных органах, однако для реального воздействия на данную проблему необходимо устанавливать определенные критерии представленности.
В этой связи в статье также исследуется такой метод усиления представленности женщин как гендерные квоты, которые, в зависимости от того, где они закреплены (в законе или уставе партии), имеют различную обязывающую силу. Гендерные квоты - довольно популярный метод, используемый порядка в ста странах. Европейские страны отдают предпочтение необязательным партийным квотам, в то время как законодательные квоты используются в таких странах, как Филиппины, Бельгия, Словения, Франция, в странах Латинской Америки.
Проанализировав национальное законодательство Республики Казахстан, уставы действующих политических партий, автор выделяет отсутствие каких-либо гарантий представленности женщин в выборных органах и, соответственно, вносит предложения по внесению поправок в соответствующее национальное законодательство о выборах.
Equal active and passive electoral rights of women have been in the center of attention of the world community for decades. Women's suffrage, origin of which dates back to 1883 in New Zealand, continues to evolve the present day.
In September 1995 at the Fourth World Conference on Women 185 United Nations Member States adopted the Beijing Declaration
and Platform for Action. These documents, as they cover important issues of ensuring gender equality in many spheres of public life, still remain relevant.
The Platform for Action set the task for governments and political parties to increase the number ofwomen in elected bodies. In particular, governments were given recommendations to take measures «encouraging political parties
to integrate women in elective and nonelective public positions in the same proportion and at the same levels as men», establish targets and quotas, analyze the influence of the electoral system on this issue. At the same time, the political parties were asked to consider the development and implementation of various initiatives1.
It should be noted the process of elevation of women representation in elected bodies is based on a number of factors, not only of political nature, but also of socio-economic and cultural nature. At the same time, within the political system, it is considered that the electoral system has a predominant influence on the level of women's representativeness.
The electoral system embraces the order of formation of state and local elective bodies, which includes principles and conditions for participation in the formation of elected bodies, as well as principles and conditions for the organization and procedure of elections.
In the restricted sense the term «electoral system» refers to the system of allocation of deputy mandates among candidates, depending on the results of voting.
There is a certain consensus among international organizations that the system of proportional representation is the most favorable for women in receiving more deputy seats2. Due to the fact that the obtaining a mandate in the constituency demands a relative majority of votes, the gender stereotypes in the state may affect the choice of voters in favor of male candidates.
It would not be correct to say that the choice of an electoral system automatically leads to the increase in the of women's participation rate in elected bodies. This question should be examined from both sides:
1) the socio-cultural, economic climate in the state should be taken into account, since the electoral system only defines the conditions in which candidates and voters operate. In other words, electoral system does not determine the use of the positive or negative opportunities inherent in these conditions by individuals.
2) electoral systems have their own specific
features across the states. The functioning of proportional or majoritarian electoral system differs from state to state, since the concept of the electoral system itself is complex and structural and includes many technical aspects.
In the Republic of Kazakhstan the majoritarian electoral system is applied to the elections of President, the part of the Senate (2 deputies from each district, the city of republican importance and the capital), the part of Lower chamber (9 deputies elected by the Assembly of People of Kazakhstan), while the other part of Lower chamber (98 deputies of Majilis) is elected by means of proportional list.
According to the opinion of prominent Kazakhstani scientist G.S. Sapargaliyev, as the electoral system and electoral law of the Republic of Kazakhstan serve to the state representative bodies' formation by citizens, they represent the methods of expression of people's sovereignty [1, p. 176]. That is why the participation of every individual is substantial.
Today in Kazakhstan women account for 27% in the Lower chamber and 11% in the Upper chamber3. During the adoption of the Beijing Declaration on the Rights of Women of the United Nations in 1995 the threshold of 30% was adopted as the general rate for the representation of women4. The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women considers that the percentage of women's representation should be between 30-35%5. For the June 1, 2017 the following states represent the top five countries with the largest rate of female deputies in the lower houses of parliament: Rwanda (61%), Bolivia (53%), Cuba (49%), Iceland (48%) and Nicaragua (46%). Such Nordic countries as Sweden (44%), Finland (42%), Norway (40%) are located at the 6th, 9th, 12th place respectively6.
The problem demands systematic approach. It is necessary to understand the complexity of the issue: the right of women to be elected, their desire to stand for election as candidates, the inclusion of female candidates in a party list, the assignment of a deputy mandate as a result of the voting.
As we see the proportional nature of
1 Paragraph 190, 191 of Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action http://www.unw0men.0rg/~/media/ headquarters/attachments/sections/csw/pfa_e_final_web.pdf
2 Report on the impact of electoral systems on women's representation in politics of European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission). Access http://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default. aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD(2009)029-e (date of admission 14.07.17)
3 The world classification of the percentage of women in the lower or single House at the website of InterParliamentary Union. Access http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm (date of admission 13.07.17)
4 Platform for Action of Beijing Declaration. The UnitedNations Entityfor Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women website. Access http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/decision.htm (date of admission 28.07.17)
5 UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), CEDAW General Recommendation No. 23: Political and Public Life, 1997
6 The world classification of the percentage of women in the lower or single House at the website of InterParliamentary Union. Access http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm (date of admission 13.07.17)
Mac smbiM Mmôepi
the electoral system of the Republic of Kazakhstan favors the increase of women's representativeness in elective bodies, but at the same time certain procedural and technical aspects of the electoral process need to be worked out and legally fixed.
Nowadays the overwhelming majority of states guarantee equal access of women to the electoral process. There is a worldwide positive trend in the increasing the rate of women's representation in elected bodies: from 11% in 1995 to 23% in 20167. The desire of women to participate in the political life of their country is determined by the socio-cultural climate and the economic situation in the state. The ambitions of the female candidates are also defined by their confidence that their party will nominate them and later endow with a deputy mandate. In this regard, the issue of nomination is the most crucial in this aspect.
One of the most popular methods to enhance the representation of women in elective bodies is the gender quotas. These quotas are aimed at determining the minimum number of women candidates to participate in elections.
Gender quotas are divided into two types depending on the origin: legislative quotas, or mandatory quotas (legal quotas, compulsory quotas) and party quotas (voluntary quotas) [1, p. 5]. As it follows from the definition, legislative quotas are mandatory for all parties that nominate candidates, party quotas are self-binding, since they are obligatory only for the party that has accepted the quotas. Party quotas are generally used in European countries and most common in Germany, Norway and Sweden.
The study of the foreign experience of gender quotas has shown that legislative gender quotas can be fixed in Constitution of the country (Burkina Faso, Nepal, Philippines, Uganda) or in the Act on elections (Latin American countries, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia, France). Rwanda, which ranks first in the representation of women in parliament, uses the method of constitutional fixing of gender quotas. Articles 75 and 80 of the Constitution of Rwanda stipulate that at least 30% of members of the Lower and Upper chambers of parliament must be women. According to paragraph 2 of Article 75 of the Constitution
of Rwanda, twenty four women elected by specific electoral colleges in accordance with the national administrative entities8.
The conditions for setting the quotas can also vary.
Legislative quotas:
1) may indicate the number of reserved seats for female deputies in the houses of parliament. The scheme for reservation of seats in the houses of parliament is applied in 23 states: mainly in Africa, the Middle East and China9.
2) may impose on political parties the duty to apply gender equality principle in composition of the party, which is usually denoted in the form of rate of female members. Above that the purpose of quoting can play a decisive role.
Quotas can be applied at the initial stage of inclusion in party lists. Quotas can also be applied at the second stage - the stage of final selection of candidates for inclusion in the party's ballot, when the norm establishes that the rate of representation of both sexes, for example, cannot be less than 40% and more than 60%. Such method can also be applied in case of party quotas.
However, the introduction of quotas at these stages does not guarantee the granting of deputy seats by women as they can be placed at the bottom of the party list.
It is commonly known that party lists are divided into three types: open, closed and mixed. Open lists let voters choose the candidate they wish to vote for, while closed lists make voters choose between the party lists on the whole. Some experts believe closed lists give more guarantees for women, providing that the party list is drawn up in a way where women are allocated at the same places as men10. Above that it is believed that quotas have the strongest effect if they are applied in countries with proportional representation electoral systems, particularly in combination with closed party lists and high district magnitudes [2, p. 6].
In this regard, some states establish rules for the arrangement of places in party lists. For example, in Serbia every fourth position on the list should be taken by the candidate of the under-represented sex, in Spain - every fifth. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, one of the first two positions, two of the first five, three of the
7 Facts and figures: Leadership and political participation. Women in parliaments. The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women website. Access http://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ leadership-and-political-participation/facts-and-figures#notes (date of admission 22.08.17)
8 Rwanda's Constitution of 2003 with Amendments through 2015. Access https://www.constituteproject.org/ constitution/Rwanda_2015.pdf?lang=en (date of admission 22.08.17)
9 The table of countries with reserved seats in the lower or single house. Access http://www.quotaproject.org/ reserved-seats.cfm (date of admission 21.08.17)
10 Report on the impact of electoral systems on women's representation in politics of European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission). p. 13
http://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/?pdf=CDL-AD(2009)029-e
first eight positions in the party lists should be occupied by candidates of the under-represented sex. In Belgium, the first two positions in the list should not be submitted to the candidates of the same sex.
Thus, the consequences of non-compliance with the quota requirements can also be an important lever. Penalties for non-observance of the rate may be expressed in a form of the decrease of public sponsorship of a party(Albania, France, Portugal), the restriction of the number of candidates (Belgium) or non-admission of a party list (Armenia, Serbia, Slovenia, Spain).
Gender quotas in the Republic of Kazakhstan are applied neither at the legislative level nor at the party level. Analysis of the charters of the acting parties in the Republic of Kazakhstan has shown that none of the parties establishes quotas for women. Still there are no restrictions imposed either.
Thus the possibility of amending Constitutional Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan of September 28, 1995, No. 2464 «On Elections in the Republic of Kazakhstan» (hereinafter - the Constitutional Law) regarding the drawing up of party lists should be considered. It is necessary to take two aspects into account:
1) the method of assignment of deputy mandates. Paragraph 5 of Article 97-1 of the Constitutional Law determines that the order of assignment of deputy mandates «is determined by party executive from the candidates included in the party list». Such order of assignment contravenes a widespread foreign practice and standards of the electoral process. The allocation of mandates according to the preferential order of candidates in a party list is more inherent for foreign countries. In other words, when the party reaches the threshold, the candidates who are at the top of the list will be the first to receive the mandates. Such algorithm allows the voter to imagine the results and consequences of the voting, and also increases the transparency of the process of mandates assignment, which on the whole strengthens the trust of population in parties and the electoral system on the whole.
2) the order of drawing up the party list. If case of amendments to the paragraph 5 of Article 97-1 of the Constitutional Law, the responsibility of parties to take into account the women's representation when drawing up a party list should be considered. In other words, the parties' responsibility to use such order of list formation, according to which female candidates are not placed at the end or middle of the list by using the method of alternation or the method of proportion (ratio).
The practice shows that the binding nature of legislative gender quotas does not guarantee the effectiveness of their application. As experts have exactly pointed out quotas do have prevailing positive sides, but on the other hand they do not influence the tenure of incumbent women [3, p. 3].
Party quotas are applied in some European countries (Sweden, Norway, Netherlands, Iceland, Germany) where the rate of women participating in the political life of the country reaches high percent. In this regard, it would be more correct to say that legislative quotas point the parties to involve as many women as possible in the elections and at the same time they should encourage the parties to use voluntary internal regulation.
To sum it up, we should conclude that the issue of the increasing of women's representativeness in elective bodies should not be a matter for women only, since this issue should be of great governmental importance. The lower threshold of 30% defined by international organizations is not the upper limit or the ultimate goal. In addition to the fact that quotas are indeed an effective tool to combat against discrimination of women, it is also necessary to understand that quotas is a catalyst that artificially contributes to the retention of places in order to give women the confidence to participate in the political life of the state. Governments should strive for the result, when equal representation of women in elective bodies does not depend on external or internal factors, so that it would be a clear statement of existence of gender equality in society.
REFERENCES
1. Sapargaliyev, G.S. Konstitucionalnoe pravo Respubliki Kazakhstan: Akademicheskyi kurs. - Almaty: Zheti zhargy, 2006. - 208 s.
2. Franceschet, S. Mona Lena Krook, J. Piscopo, M. The Impact of Gender Quotas. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. P. 5-6.
3. O'Brien, D.Z. Rickne, J. Gender Quotas and Women's Political Leadership. IFN Working Paper, 2014, №1043. P. 3.
