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CONCEPTUAL AMBIGUITY IN MYANMAR NATION BUILDING: A SEMANTIC AND THEORETICAL ANALYSIS Ye Phone Kyaw, Khakhalkina E.V. -
5.5.4 Международные отношения,
глобальные и региональные исследования
(политические науки)
International Relations, Global and Regional Studies
DOI: 10.33693/2223-0092-2024-14-6-151-157 УДК: 327 ГРНТИ: 11.25 EDN: EKTAGG
Conceptual Ambiguity in Myanmar Nation Building: A Semantic and Theoretical Analysis
Ye Phone Kyaw3 ©, E.V. Khakhalkinab ©
National Research Tomsk State University, Tomsk, Russian Federation
a E-mail: [email protected] ь E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract. This article examines the challenges Myanmar faces in creating a cohesive national identity and fostering unity. It argues that inadequate nation-building stems from semantic, epistemological, and ontological ambiguities in reconciling Myanmar's identity with Western definitions of "nation," "state," and "union." These identity and cognitive dissonances hinder the development of effective nation-building policies. Utilizing a mixed-methods approach and content analysis, this study evaluates the Myanmar constitutions of 1947, 1974, and 2008, policies and discourses in relation to both Western theories and indigenous perspectives. The novelty of the research lies in its exploration of conceptual differences across civilizations through constitutional and policy texts. By integrating primary and secondary sources, the study contributes uniquely to identity studies, emphasizing how conceptual challenges affect national identity formation. It underscores the significance of linguistic and semantic considerations in this process. Ultimately, lacking a sense of collective national identity, Myanmar finds itself navigating a complex relationship with the idea that multi-national races have coexisted on this land, sharing the same water for over a millennium. This coexistence is often framed in terms of preserving the culture and identity of all national races, yet there is no effective nation-building policy centered on the principles of "collective-ness" and "oneness."
Key words: nation, state, union, concept, civilization, constitution
DOI: 10.33693/2223-0092-2024-14-6-151-157
Концептуальное противоречие в государственном строительстве Мьянмы: смысловой и теоретический анализ
Йе Фон Чжоа ©, Е.В. Хахалкинаb ©
Национальный исследовательский Томский государственный университет, г. Томск, Российская Федерация
a E-mail: [email protected] ь E-mail: [email protected]
Аннотация. В статье рассматриваются проблемы, с которыми сталкивается Мьянма при формировании и укреплении национальной идентичности и достижении единства. В тексте постулируется, что противоречивый характер государственного строительства проистекает из семантической, эпистемологической и онтологической двусмысленности в согласовании концепта идентичности Мьянмы с западными определениями «нации», «государства» и «союза». Эти различия в идентичности и когнитивные диссонансы препятствуют разработке эффективной политики государственного строительства. На основе смешанного подхода и контент-анализа в тексте дается оценка Конституций Мьянмы 1947, 1974 и 2008 гг., а также политики и дискурсов как с позиции западных теорий, так и местного видения. Новизна исследования заключается в рассмотрении концептуальных различий понимания цивилизации с помощью текстов конституционного и политического характера. Посредством обращения к первичным и вторичным источникам исследование вносит важный вклад в понимание идентичности и концептуальных проблем, которые влияют на формирование национального самосознания. Это акцентирует важность лингвистических и семантических аспектов указанного процесса. Мьянма, лишенная чувства коллективной национальной идентичности, оказывается раздираема реальностью, при которой разные мультирасовые группы проживают на одной территории без общей коллективной идентичности. Это сосуществование преимущественно конструируется с точки зрения сохранения культуры и самобытности всех расовых групп, однако эффективной политики государственного строительства, основанной на принципах "коллективизма" и "единства", не существует.
Ключевые слова: нация, государство, союз, концепция, цивилизация, конституция
/-■-\
ОБРАЗЕЦ ЦИТИРОВАНИЯ: Йе Фон Чжо, Хахалкина Е.В. Концептуальное противоречие в государственном строительстве Мьянмы: смысловой и теоретический анализ // Социально-политические науки. 2024. Т. 14. № 6. С. 151-157. DOI: 10.33693/2223-0092-2024-14-6-151-157. EDN: EKTAGG V_/
INTRODUCTION
Since the conclusion of World War II, established nations have endeavored to modernize, while newly independent countries have simultaneously sought to achieve modernization alongside their older counterparts. Although their primary objective is to attain the organizational characteristics that define the modern nation-state, they often possess the form of a state without the substantive elements of nationhood, particularly in the context of newly emerging independent countries. Myanmar serves as an example of such a nation, having regained its independence in 1948 while actively engaging in the process of nation-building. Even today, 76 years following independence and efforts to build a nation and cultivate a national identity, the process remains relatively incomplete, and the country has not yet reached a satisfactory level of cohesion and political stability.
In 2020, the liberalized nation-building efforts initiated in 2010 were abruptly halted by political controversies and allegations of vote-rigging. This situation has resulted
in the military regaining state power and the resurgence of long-standing unresolved ethnic insurgencies. Currently, some international media outlets characterize Myanmar as a "failed state"1 or suggest it is on the verge of becoming one2, despite relying on controversial facts, evidence, and information. Although the evidence on the ground is still insufficient to definitively classify Myanmar as a "failed state" or on the verge of a "failed state", the current situation provides compelling grounds to acknowledge that Myanmar is experiencing a failure in nation-building.
Therefore, this article posits that Myanmar's inadequate nation-building arises from grappling with
1 Heinrich M. Myanmar: From Failed State to Total Collapse? The Globalist. 2024. URL: https://www.theglobalist.com/myanmar-junta-civil-war-conflict-russia-china-failed-state/ (data of accesses: 07.11.2024).
2 The Japan Times Editorial Board. We must stop Myanmar's descent into a failed state. The Japan Times. 2023. URL: https://www. japantimes.co.jp/editorials/2023/12/01/myanmar-failed-state/ (data ofaccesses: 07.11.2024).
Ye Phone Kyaw, Khakhalkina E.V. -
semantic, epistemological, and ontological ambiguities in reconciling its identity with Western and European definitions of "nation," "state," and "union." These challenges, along with identity and cognitive dissonance, complicate the formulation of effective nation-building policies. All successive governments in Myanmar, including military regimes, have attempted to address internal problems, including conceptual ones, in their own ways. Despite varying levels of development, they have yet to identify the conceptual root causes of these decade-long issues. Therefore, it is imperative to reassess the concepts and perceptions of understanding surrounding the interpretations in Myanmar. Specifically, it is essential to conceptually and theoretically investigate how Myanmar understands nationhood, statehood, and their construction as well as to identify which aspects remain unclear.
The semantic, epistemological and ontological ambiguities in the interpretation of what it means to be a nation or a state or a union have far-reaching implications that can influence various dimensions of society. These problems often arise from differing interpretations of what constitutes a nation, who belongs to it, and how national identity is constructed and maintained. Such issues can result in social fragmentation, political instability, and conflict arising from identity disputes and the marginalization of certain groups. Economic disparities may also occur due to unequal resource distribution and the deterrentsto investmentthese conflicts create. Additionally, these conceptual problems complicate the establishment of national historical narratives and collective memory, leading to challenges in education as it strives to provide an inclusive curriculum that reflects collective historical perspectives, ultimately deepening societal divisions. Resistance and activism often emerge from social movements advocating for the recognition of a variety of identities. Lastly, these issues affect international relations, influencing a nation's soft power and cultural influence abroad, and can result in inconsistent foreign policies, which hinder effective engagement with other countries.
Although numerous questions and challenges related to nation-state and identity formation of Myanmar persist, and the aforementioned inquiries are fundamental, not only for scholars interested in Myanmar's politics and identity, but also the policy and decision makers and Myanmar people as a whole. Without first addressing these theoretical and conceptual issues, research, findings, problem-solving, and policy recommendations on this topic may diverge from effective or reliable solutions. None of the literature in Myanmar Studies still pay attention on the root-causes and deep analysis on this nuance conceptual and theoretical issues of nation-building and national-identity building, while they pay attentions on the on-going political crisis [2], the role of major powers in Myanmar contemporary politics [4; 9], and "democracy" verses "autocracy" [3]. Therefore, this article aims to fill existing gap in the literature and seeks to analyze the semantic, epistemological, and ontological ambiguities in the interpretation of what it means to be a nation or a state or a union in Myanmar, thereby enhancing comprehension for both Myanmar people, including policy and decision makers, scholars, and the international community.
This study employs a mixed-methods approach that combines qualitative and quantitative methodologies-including case studies and content analysis of texts— by comparing the Western and European theories and Myanmar's indigenous understanding, within the Myanmar Constitutions of 1947, 1974 and 2008, as well as related policies. These fundamental documents of one country reflect not only the ideological, theoretical, and conceptual foundations of a nation or state but also the influential groups (such as state actors or ideologues) of a society. The novelty of this research lies in its examination of nuanced conceptual and theoretical problems, as well as differences in understanding among various civilizations, through content analysis ofthe constitutional texts.
Additionally, this research makes a novel methodological contribution to identity studies in political science, sociology, and cultural studies by highlighting the impact of differing understandings of theories and concepts in shaping nation-building and national-identity building, thereby expanding the scope of cultural studies to include constitutional and policy texts as a cultural product and logical and lexical semantics and linguistics as crucial elements in studying national identity issues. Employing primary and secondary sources, this study adopts a document and textual analysis to examine Myanmar's indigenous conceptual understanding of nation-building and national identity formation, by comparing Western or European concepts and theories, from a linguistic and sematic lens.
WESTERN AND EUROPEAN UNDERSTANDING OF "NATION-STATE'; "STATE-NATION", AND "CIVILIZATION STATE"
By the Western and European theories and concepts, the distinction between "nation" and "state" is clear. A state is an independent political entity with a legal system and power to maintain order with "political-legal concept" while a nation is more related to culture and identity with "psycho-cultural concept". They can exist separately, but when they overlap, it forms a nationstate, where a nation has political sovereignty. In most developed post-World War II countries, national identity developed before political structures formed. In contrast, many underdeveloped, newly independent countries have political authority before a strong sense of national identity. Europe created nation-states, while Asia and Africa formed state-nations. The argument suggests that in 19th century Europe, nations came before states, but in developing countries today, states are forming nations. The distinction between nation-states and state-nations is relevant globally. In Germany, national consciousness came before the state, while in France, the state preceded national identity. Similarly, Turkey and Iran are nation-states, while many African and Asian countries are state-nations. A distinction can be made between a state that chronologically precedes a nation, like in France, and a state that not only actively creates a nation but it played a crucial role in creating and mobilizing it, as seen in many developing countries today. Therefore, state-nations are more common in the non-Western world, where political unification drives cultural integration [8].
While the concept of the "nation-state" and "statenation" were popularized in the 19th and 20th centuries, the 21st century may be characterized by the rise of the "civilization state." A civilization state represents a unique civilization rather than just a territory, language, or ethnic group. The term "civilization state" was initially used to describe China in 19903, and Samuel Huntington later challenged Western triumphalism with his grim prediction of conflict in "The Clash of Civilizations?" in 1993 [5], and explored in much grater detail in his 1996 book [6].The term was also used to describe India in the 1990s4 and it has since been applied to countries like Russia5, Turkey6, Egypt7, and even the United States8.
CONTENT ANALYSIS OF MYANMAR'S CONSTITUTIONS
The 1947 Constitution
The 1947Constitution ofMyanmar associated with a parliamentary democracy system, officially known as"TheConstitution oftheUnion ofBurma,"9 was promulgated in 1948 and is recognized as the first modern constitution in Myanmar. It uses the term "sovereign independent state" in its preamble. In Chapter I, Form of State, Section 1 states that Burma is a Sovereign Independent Republic. The term "Republic" is translated into Burmese as "Tamata Naing-ngan (œ««œ|cc)" indicating a state led by a president elected by the people, consistent with Western and European concepts. Section 9 defines "State" ccmeo-Naing-ngan-taw) astheexecutive orlegislative authority oftheUnion or relevant unit, emphasizing the term's association with power and legal authority. Statistically, in Burmese, the term "Myanmar Naing-ngan and Naing-ngan taw" was used 487 times (65%), while "Pyi-htaung-su" appeared 260 times (35%). The translations to get these meanings, itused "state" in40times (16%), while "union" appeared 218 times (84%). Theterm "nation" (toget themeaning in Burmese the whole country) was inconsistently used once (0%) in Article 61(2), which states, "The President
may also address a message to the nation at any time on any matter." Here, the term "Union" should have been used consistently to describe the entire country or territory instead of "nation." This inconsistency can be concluded as a translation error.
□ Myanmar Naingngan and Naing-ngan taw
Pyi-htaung-su
Ц Nation □ State I Union
Fig. 1. Statistical Analysis on the 1947 Constitution
Term usage statistics in Myanmar indigenous understanding
Term usage statistics in English translation 1
/(0%)
3 PyeL.W. China: Erratic state, frustrated society. Foreign Affairs. 1990. Vol. 69. No. 4.
4 India is not a nation-state, or a state-nation. It is a civilisational-state - Hindustan Times. URL: https://www.hindustantimes.com/ columns/india-is-not-a-nation-state-or-a-state-nation-it-is-a-civilisational-state/story-rcuF9vFpAzLJK5hBgYv6DP.html (data ofaccesses: 07.11.2024).
5 Barabanov O. "Civilisation State": Theory and practice. Valdai Club. 2023. URL: https://valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/civilisation-state-theory-and-practice/ (data of accesses: 07.11.2024).
6 Al-Hafidh R. Rise of the civilizational state in post-nation-state Middle East. Opinion. Daily Sabah. 2020. URL: https://www. dailysabah.com/opinion/op-ed/rise-of-the-civilizational-state-in-post-nation-state-middle-east (data of accesses: 07.11.2024).
7 The return of the pharaohs: The rise of Egypt's civilization-state. Middle East Institute. URL: https://www.mei.edu/publications/ return-pharaohs-rise-egypts-civilization-state (data of accesses: 05.11.2024).
8 Reagan K. Trump's warsaw speech wasn't an outrage. It was a clear statement of American values. American Enterprise Institute - AEI. 2017.URL:https://www.aei.org/politics-and-public-opinion/trumps-warsaw-speech-wasnt-an-outrage-it-was-a-clear-statement-of-american-values/ (data of accesses: 07.11.2024).
9 Constituent Assembly ofBurma. TheConstitution oftheUnion ofBurma [y^Graoc© ^ocqJo^odSccgoto oogs^o^oo
goG3 ^f®)- Rangoon, Supdt.: Govt. Printing and Stationary,
Burma, 1948.
The 1974 Constitution
The Constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union ofBurma (1974)10, commonly known as the one-party state constitution, defines Myanmar more clearly as a "state." In Chapter I, Article 1, it states, "Burma is a Sovereign Independent Socialist State of the working people. The State shall be known as The Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma," reflecting the title of the chapter, "The State." Statistically, the terms "MyanmarNaing-ngan" and "Naing-ngan-taw" were used 184 times (90%), while "Pyi-htaung-su" appeared 20 times (10%). In translations, "state" was used 184 times (89%), and "union" appeared 23 times (11%). Myanmar does not refer to itself as a "nation," but the term "national" is used as an adjective for phrases like national races, national sovereignty, national defense and security, and national authority. Article 68 states that the President of the Republic represents the State, emphasizing the authority in terms of power and legal concept. As a one-party state constitution, Myanmar
10 Burma Socialist Programme Party. (oMGroocaOTarams^aro
oCo ex Co Oo 1 ir ■ I L JI y
(The Constitution of the Union ofBurma 1974). Printing & Publishing Corporation, 1973.
Ye Phone Kyaw, Khakhalkina E.V. -
defines itself with a stronger emphasis on the "state," and the power and authority of the "President" is more pronounced than in the previous constitution.
□ Myanmar Naingngan and Naing-ngan taw
] Pyi-htaung-su
H Nation I State H Union
Fig. 2. Statistical Analysis on the 1974 Constitution
The 2008 Constitution
The Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (2008)11 is widely accepted as a transitional constitution from military rule to a multi-party democratic system. Statistically, the terms "Myanmar Naing-ngan" and "Naing-ngan-taw" were used 758 times (49%), while "Pyi-htaung-su" appeared 803 times (51%). In translations, "state" was used 35 times (5%), "union" appeared 617 times (93%), and "nation" appeared 9 times (2%). The preamble states that Myanmar is a "Nation" with magnificent historical traditions, and it continues again, "We, the National people, have been living in oneness, setting up an independent sovereign State and standing tall with pride." The term "oneness" suggests a sense of "nation." The Constitution emphasizes its role as an enduring document that guarantees long-term benefits for the future "nation". The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) convened the National Convention in 1993 to support this vision. In Chapter I, Basic Principles of the Union, it states, "Myanmar is an independent sovereign Nation." However,
11 Ministry of Information. Constitution of the Republic of the Union
of Myanmar (2008). Printing & Publishing Department, Ministry of Information, 2017.
Articles 2 and 3 also declare that "The State shall be known as the Republic of the Union of Myanmar" and "The State is where multi-national races collectively reside." This clearly illustrates Myanmar's interpretation of "Naing-ngan (See)" as reflecting the ambiguity of both "state" and "nation."
□ Myanmar Naingngan and Naing-ngan taw
] Pyi-htaung-su
~2 Nation □ State I Union
Fig. 3. Statistical Analysis on the 2008 Constitution
Notably, theconsistent use oftheterm "Union" in the 2008 Constitution marks a shift from the previous emphasis on "state." This is highlighted in Chapter 1, titled "Basic Principles oftheUnion," which includes Article 7: "TheUnion practices agenuine, disciplined multi-party democratic system," and Article 8: "The Union is constituted by the Union system." Specifically, the phrase "Union security and defense" in Article 20(d) replaces the more commonly accepted term "national security and defense." This terminology reflects a return tothelanguage ofthel947Constitution, where theterm "Union" was also prominently used. Furthermore, in Burmese, the term "Union" is clearly understood as "Pyi-htaung-su (ojj^rooDC^)", which serves both as a noun and an adjective, referring to a political system or country composed of multiple states.
In Article 4, the term "country" is simply used: "The Sovereign power of the Union is derived from the citizens and is in force in the entire country." Throughout the Constitution, the term "state" is primarily used to refer to the sub-states of the Union (which is excluded from statistical analysis), and it is occasionally used to describe "state
Term usage statistics in Myanmar indigenous understanding 20
(10%)
Term usage statistics in English translation 23 0
Term usage statistics in Myanmar indigenous understanding
Term usage statistics in English translation
9 35
(2%)\ /(5%)
sovereign power." Additionally, the Constitution introduces the term "Pyidaungsu," which is equivalent to "union" and is phonetically derived from the Burmese "Pyi-htaung-su (uj^œeoc^)". This term is included in the statistical analysis and is sometimes used to refer to the state itself and the union-level parliament, which consists of both upper and lower houses. Thus, in the 2008 Constitution, Myanmar employs a mix of the terms "nation," "state," and "union" to describe itself, with "nation" signifying its ultimate goal of becoming a cohesive entity—an aspiration that has never been perfectly achieved anywhere in the world.
CONTENT ANALYSIS OF OFFICIAL TEXTS AND DISCOURSES
Additionally, in the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)betweenthe Governmentofthe Republicofthe Union ofMyanmar and the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), signed on October 15, 2015, chapter 1, article 1 (a) stated the phrase "establish a Union based on the principles ofdemocracy and federalism"14. After that, the successive governments frequently and widely used the term "Union building based on the principles of democracy and federalism", inBurmese ittranslated "Pyi-htaung-su Ti-saut-chi (ojj^roGDC^OTgOTGDTOsjgs)", itlead toconfuse again with the term state-building "Naing-ngan Ti-sout-chin" and nation-building "Tain-pyi Ti-sout-chin."
CONCLUSION
Currently, the translation of "nation building"
O C* f * c c c
inBurmese as "Tain-pyi Ti-sout-chin (OTCsjygOTge^oro j^cs)" and "state building" as "Naing-ngan Ti-sout-chin (sccOTge^DTO^cs)," can beobserved invarious official discourses.In this context, "Tain-pyi" also refersto a country, state, or nation, which is similar to "Naing-ngan," while "Ti-sout-chin" means building. Linguistically, a more direct translation of "nation building" in Burmese is "Amyothar Naing-ngan Ti-sout-chin." Hence, the choice to translate "nation building" as "Tain-pyi Ti-sout-chin" appears to intentionally exclude "Amyothar," which conveys a sense of "nation." This suggests that officials may be attempting to distance themselves from criticism related to the current trend of "ethno-nationalism" in Myanmar politics. Despite these translations, there are instances where "nation building" is viewed as synonymous with "state building." For example, the state media outlet Myanma Alin Daily discussed the "Silver Jubilee ofthe Myanmar Traditional Cultural Performing Arts Competition 2024," using thetitle "Collaborative effort in Naing-ngan Ti-sout-yae" through thestrength ofart"12. While theessence ofthis message is significantly influenced by the notion of "nation building," rather than "state building," the official news outlet opts for the term "Naing-ngan Ti-sout-chin" instead of "Tain-pyi Ti-sout-chin."
Furthermore, the Myanmar understanding of "nation building" still tends to just focus on preserving the distinct cultures of various ethnic groups, often lacking a sense of collective identity. For example, the Information Team of State Administration Council (SAC) said that "inMyanmar's political landscape, ethnic unity is essential for the country's stability. Efforts are underway to dispel doubts among ethnic groups and achieve lasting peace. The government recognizes that establishing peace as soon as possible will yield benefits for the populace without delay. Consequently, it is dedicated not only to peace-building processes but also to nation-building initiatives. For instance, the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs has successfully appointed 1,212 external Teaching Assistants (TAs) and two Language Teachers (LTs) to instruct ethnic languages, in collaboration with the Ministry of Education, thereby enhancing the teaching of ethnic subjects and literature..."13.
IT oc n с
'[g ^>sogIcsoIoc
(Collaborative effort in Nation-state Building by the Strength of Art). Ministry of Information. URL: https://www.moi.gov.mm/news/63118 (data ofaccesses: 18.11.2024).
As aresult oftheanalysis, itbecomes evident that although Myanmar's official translations use the terms "country," "nation," "state," and "union" interchangeably to define itself and understand its position in the outside world, the country struggles to find a suitable, fixed term that reflects its indigenous concepts, such as "Myanmar
r? O C* o O C* o C
Naing-ngan" (o[jwd|cc) and "Naing-ngan-taw" (|ccœ6D). This situation leads Myanmar to grapple with semantic, epistemological, and ontological ambiguities in reconciling its identity with Western and European definitions of "nation," "state," and "union." Additionally, it creates conceptual and semantic confusion in establishing effective ideologies and policies for constructing a collective national identity.
This ambiguity arises from the context of Myanmar's historical and linguistic narrative, where there is no clear distinction between the concepts of "nation," which encompasses a socio-cultural, historical, psychological, and emotional sense of imagined unity, "state" defined as a political entity characterized by territoriality, population, governance, and sovereignty, and "union," which refers to a political entity or organization formed by the coming together of multiple states, regions, or territories for a common purpose, serving as a formal association or alliance between different entities. In modern history, Myanmar tends to interpret itself through the lens of Western and European concepts, emphasizing the notion of a "state" rather than a "nation," and consequently focuses more on "state-building" and "union-building." The current military regime in Myanmar acknowledges this situation. For instance, Major General Zaw Min Htun, the spokesperson for the SAC, responded to a question about ongoing conflicts and the moral decay of the populace by stating, "...In successive eras, statebuilding has been the main focus, while nation-building has been weak in balance and action. This is what has happened..."15.
sc:rac:ù^mraB: (Minutes of the (15th) press conference held by the Press Release Team of the State Administrative Council and the media on 1-6-2022), Ministry of Information. URL: https://www. moi.gov.mm/news/26043 (accessed: 13.12.2024).
14 NRPC. The Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement Between the Government of the Republic of the Union ofMyanmar and the Ethnic Armed Organizations. 2018. URL: http://www.nrpc.gov.mm/en/index.php/ node/229 (data ofaccesses: 08.09.2019).
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inutes of the press conierenceheld by the Information Team of the State Administrative Council and the media on 26.11.2021).
2
3
Ye Phone Kyaw, Khakhalkina E.V.
Here, it is noteworthy to recall that Myanmar has endured with its unique and distinct history, culture, and language amid two major civilizations that have existed for millennia. Myanmar's demographic, technological, artistic, and habitation records can be traced back at least 40,000 years to the Paleolithic period, while theorigins oftheWestern and European interpretation ofthe'state' inMyanmar date back approximately 1,200 years to the mid-ninth century, with the emergence ofthefirst integrated kingdom, Bagan, which ruled from theninth totheearly fourteenthcenturies AD [1]. For over a millennium, the term "Naing-ngan-taw" (|ccotg5), or simply "Naing-ngan" (|cc), has been used to refer to the "country," "kingdom," "domain," or "empire" ofthe MyanmarKingdoms [7:115,121-123].
Even in the contemporary era, Myanmar, classified as part of the developing world, retains a distinct culture, religion, language, and an unique geopolitical identity. Metaphorically, it can be characterized as "the one born between two giants," as it strives to establish its position between the two most populous countries - two massive "civilization states" - China and India, each with its own rich cultures, identities, and interests. Meanwhile, Western civilization also exerts consistent pressure on Myanmar. Throughout Myanmar history, diverse ethnic groups have mostly coexisted, sometimes in conflict, within the concept of Naing-ngan-taw, which consciously or unconsciously embodies the essenceof "nation," "state," and "union." In fact, Myanmar's indigenous conceptualization of "Naing-ngan-taw (|ccotg5) " is more closely aligned with the abstract term "civilization" or "civilization state" in Western and European contexts, referring to a highly developed and organized state of human society that encompasses its culture and way of life during a particular period and region16.
Ministry of Information. URL: https://www.moi.gov.mm/news/19536 (data ofaccesses: 13.12.2024).
16 Civilizationnoun-Definition,pictures,pronunciationandusagenotes. Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary at OxfordLearnersDictionaries. com. URL: https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/ english/civilization?q=civilization (data of accesses: 12.12.2024).
Regardless of the interpretations, it is clear that this conceptual and semantic ambiguity has led to Myanmar's difficulties in understanding its own identity and in establishing an effective nation-building ideology and policy. As a result, lacking a sense of collective national identity, Myanmar finds itself navigating a complex relationship with the idea that we (multi-national races) have coexisted on this land, sharing the same water for over a millennium. This coexistence is often framed in terms of preserving the culture and identity of all national races, yet there is no effective nation-building policy centered on the principles of "collectiveness" and "oneness." Ultimately, regardless of how Myanmar officially defines itself - as a "nation," a "state," or a "union" - it is crucial to develop an indigenous understanding of "Naing-ngan-taw," both physically and mentally, rooted in the principles of "collectiveness" and "oneness" to foster a true sense of nation-building.
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Статья проверена программой Антиплагиат. Оригинальность - 86,68%
Рецензент: Троицкий Е.Е., доктор политических наук; профессор, кафедра мировой политики; Национальный исследовательский Томский государственный университет
Статья поступила в редакцию 31.11.2024, принята к публикации 20.12.2024 The article was received on 31.11.2024, accepted for publication 20.12.2024
СВЕДЕНИЯ ОБ АВТОРАХ
Йе Фон Чжо, аспирант, кафедра новой, новейшей истории и международных отношений, факультет исторических и политических наук; Национальный исследовательский Томский государственный университет; г. Томск, Российская Федерация. ORCID: 0000-00028296-1934; E-mail: [email protected]
Хахалкина Елена Владимировна, доктор исторических наук; профессор, кафедра новой, новейшей истории и международных отношений, факультет исторических и политических наук; Национальный исследовательский Томский государственный университет; г. Томск, Российская Федерация. ORCID: 0000-0002-1747-163Х; E-mail: [email protected]
ABOUTTHE AUTHORS
Ye Phone Kyaw, postgraduate student, Department of Modern and Contemporary History and International Relations, Faculty of Historical and Political Studies; National Research Tomsk State University; Tomsk, Russian Federation. ORCID: 0000-0002-8296-1934; E-mail: [email protected]
Elena V. Khakhalkina, Dr. Sei. (Hist.); Professor, Department of Modern and Contemporary History and International Relations, Faculty of Historical and Political Studies; National Research Tomsk State University; Tomsk, Russian Federation. ORCID: 0000-0002-1747-163X; E-mail: [email protected]
