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СОЦИОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ НАУКИ
УДК 316
Pyanov Alexandr Ivanovich
PhD in Sociology, assistant professor North-Caucasian Federal University Stavropol, Russian Federation E-mail: alexpya2006@yandex.ru
CHANGING STANDARDS ASSESSMENT OF SEXUAL BEHAVIOR OF MEN AND WOMEN IN
PUBLIC CONSCIOUSNESS
Abstract
The article presents the results of a specific case study on changing standards of assessment of sexual behavior of men and women in the public consciousness.
Keywords
The sexual revolution, the double standard of evaluation, sexual behavior.
I. Introduction.
Human sexuality is not a biological phenomenon, and the phenomenon of social and cultural development of human society. Sexuality in a variety of its manifestations is an essential aspect of social interaction. It is no accident the outstanding Russian and American sociologist Pitirim Sorokin saw in sexuality is one of the three main motives which have a huge impact on the fate of entire nations and peoples. Sexy instinct, along with food safety and instinct, he belongs to the category of "basic" or "core", and claimed that it was the emergence of these instincts in favor, eventually, the original factor of all social revolutions.
Of course, in western sociology interest in the problem of relations between the sexes emerged much earlier and was much more developed than in Russia. Firstly, contrary to the actualization of issues of sexuality dominant ideological assumptions of Soviet society. Soviet authorities tried to overcome the social problems related to the sexual sphere of administrative and bureaucratic and repressive measures (prohibition of abortion, the difficulty of divorce, the criminalization of homosexuality, etc.). In 1930 - 1950 any scientific and artistic sexual culture has been virtually eliminated, and sexuality, being relegated to the level of "sexual instinct", driven underground. The goals of birth rate and strengthen the family, of course, have not been achieved, but has suffered a lot of damage to public health. Politically Bolshevik sex-phobia was aimed at ensuring total control over the individual, but in fact she had a powerful effect boomerang: hushed and denied sexuality became a refuge from the totalitarian regime and a sign of social protest against it [1, p. 21-24]. Secondly, theoretical sociology in Russia received a status of an independent discipline only in the early 90-s XX century.
Therefore, you can literally be counted on the fingers of domestic sociologists who study this problem. One of the greatest of Russian sociologists fruitfully developing it, starting with the 60-ies., should be regarded as just quoted Igor Kon. Although interesting to note that his first book on the subject - "Introduction to sexology", wore not only a sociological character, as is a set of a variety of information on anatomy, endocrinology, psychology, ethnography and sociology only partly dealt with human sexual behavior. Among the authors, quite consistently engaged in the problem for decades, and will be called the Russian sociologist Sergei Golod [2].
In Western sociology, as already mentioned, attention to sexual problems much more clearly expressed. Over the past 30 - 40 years there were hundreds, if not thousands, of solid works, many of which, however, primarily interdisciplinary character - at the intersection of sociology and psychology, psychoanalysis, sexual pathology, and other branches of scientific knowledge. Special depth and magnitude of different works of Michele Foucault, Jeffrey Weeks, Anthony Giddens [3].
The sexual revolution is a complex social phenomenon, which is closely intertwined with the chain of causality, is affected by a number of social changes. The pace of change in the modern era is rapidly increasing in
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strict accordance with the law of acceleration of the history of Russian sociologist and historian Boris Bushuev [4].
The phenomenon of the sexual revolution includes trends of varying duration. On the one hand - this is an evolutionary process that began in the XVIII century and lasted for one and a half - two centuries. On the other hand - this is a very quick radical changes came after 60 years of the twentieth century.
The sexual revolution is a controversial process. On the one hand, it is a secular, tolerant attitude towards sexuality, understanding that it is an important aspect of public and private life, one of the manifestations of freedom, on the other hand is the negative things associated with the fact that some injunctions have lost their value collapsed, and other internal regulations have not yet emerged. The same fact, that the evolutionary changes in this area took place and led to changes in the public consciousness, no doubt cause cannot.
The sexual revolution is one of the integral parts of this grand phenomenon as a global industrial revolution. Industrial revolution begins, as you know, with the technological revolution, which is reflected primarily in the mechanization of production, which receives a massive scale. The core and essence of the industrial revolution is the most important action of the three socio-economic laws - the law of economy of time, the law of increasing requirements and labor law changes. The revolutionary transformations consistently permeate all areas of public life. In countries affected by the industrial revolution, there is a whole series of political, cultural, managerial revolutions. In the end, the revolutionary changes affect one of the most conservative of social institutions - the family.
Let us try to lead are the main factors that push the sexual revolution, although they, in turn, appear the social changes brought about by the industrial revolution. Generally speaking, these factors are many. We dwell only on some of the most significant of them.
In traditional society, the patriarchal family serves as the main concern. The motives for marriage quite often had economic motives. The father was not just a supporter, but the head of the production company. This also applies to farmers, and artisans, and merchants. The modern mass machine production replaced the family (household) production as a fundamental unit of society. When the dominant form of organization of factory labor is no longer possible or run the household, performing the production function, or moves it to the positions where industrial activity is deployed.
Mechanization and automation of production, and then successively reduce those productive sectors where the worker is required from the first physical strength (which, in the male prerogative was biologically determined for many thousands of years). The woman is relatively fast by historical standards; it is possible to find a certain economic independence, thanks to its extensive involvement in industrial production. This leads to increased instability of the monogamous family in its historical forms.
Peter and Brigitte Berger articulate the differences between traditional and modern families as follows. In the traditional family, "her husband, roughly speaking, to a much lesser extent, was located to get rid of a wife, who contributes to its work than from the one that just cost him extra costs. On the contrary, as the women in all greater number were in the labor force, a woman, she receives a salary; much more is to get rid of such a man, who has become a burden for the family and an obstacle to their own careers" [5, p. 102].
Industrial society for the first time in the history of the economic value of children takes both of workers in the household. Moreover, becoming dependent, large number of them is a material burden on the family. Gradually, small families are approved by the socio-cultural patterns. The patriarchal and large family is gradually replaced by the nuclear family form. For the first time women's sexuality was separated from the chronic circle of procreation. This is largely due to widespread and effective contraceptives. Sexual intercourse is increasingly acquiring recreational functions, connected more with hedonistic aspirations. The processes of secularization, so inherent in an industrial society, constantly upstage the dogmas of religious morality in the regulation of sexuality and sex roles.
From the middle of the XIX century begins to form a socio-political movement of feminism, whose goal is to provide all women, discriminated against on grounds of sex, race, orientation, age, ethnicity, social status, full social rights.
All these processes are gradually preparing the ground for the sexual revolution that swept the Western countries in the 70 years of the twentieth century. The sexual revolution is a process and the result of fundamental changes in the sexual life of a society characterized by significant transformations of sexual values, attitudes, norms, sanctions and sex of individuals. This process took place in the framework of the leveling of social moral and religious
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norms on the prohibition of sex outside of marriage, chastity, and so on.
In addition to changing individual consciousness in the sexual sphere of human life, it has had a significant impact on the change of the social phenomenon of public opinion. "Public opinion is a value-colored, in particular having a moral coloring, opinions and way of behavior, which, if we are talking about well-established, secure the agreement, such as dogma or practices should demonstrate in public, if you do not want to be isolated, or which pass states can publicly demonstrate without fear of isolation" [6, p. 67].
Now list the main outward signs and consequences of the sexual revolution. Analysis of the various works, it initiates, allows, in addition to features introduced in marriage and family relations and social consciousness, to allocate such characteristic features of this process as:
1) erasing a double standard in the assessment of sexual behavior of men and women;
2) separation of sexuality from reproduction function;
3) increasing tolerance of premarital sexual relations;
4) enhancing transparency sexual sphere;
5) recognition of women's right to possession of their own sexuality and to obtain sexual pleasure;
6) the commercialization of sex;
7) increasing tolerance to non-traditional forms of sexual intercourse and homosexual contacts;
8) increasing the diversity of sexual practices on a mass scale.
II. Problem Statement
In 2015, our survey of residents of Stavropol was conducted in order to identify changes in individual consciousness and public opinion related to the sexual revolution. The number of respondents was 506 persons. The sample equally represented all age cohort 15 to 60 years. With some of the results of this study would like to inform the scientific community.
In his study, we sought to identify the respondents' assessment of the majority of the above-mentioned phenomena (except for the second and sixth). Unfortunately, the scope of this article to limit the possibility of detailed analysis of the results. That's why we use only some of them, considered as clearly manifested among the various categories of respondents double standard in the moral assessment of sexual behavior of men and women, as well as their attitudes toward premarital sex.
Since the emergence of institutions of monogamous marriage and the patriarchal family in the public consciousness formed the standards and rules for the assessment of sexual behavior that are different for men and for women. "The dominance of the husband in the family and having children, which would be just him and had to inherit his wealth that was the sole purpose of monogamy" [7, p. 69]. A woman needed a strict fidelity to her husband, all her efforts, even the most innocent flirtation with other men were regarded as moral turpitude. In addition, outside of the actual marital relationship most of the women were divided into "virtuous" and "missing", while the "missing" forbidden to appear in respectable society. "Virtue" for centuries was determined mainly from the standpoint of women's refusal to succumb to sexual temptation - refusal, supported by various institutional arrangements, such as, say, courtship under the care of the elderly ladies forced marriages, etc.
However, men are traditionally valued by society as being demanding sexual diversity in order to maintain their bodily and mental health. For them, it was considered acceptable to engage in premarital sexual relations are numerous. Even after marriage, this did not see anything wrong. As evidenced by Lawrence Stone in his study of the history of divorce in England, in English society up until recently was common rigid double standard regarding sexual experience of women, on the one hand, and women - on the other. Even a single case of adultery committed by the wife, was "an unforgivable violation of the law of property and inheritance ideas", and when it opens, this has led to punitive measures. Married same infidelity of her husband, on the other hand, is widely perceived as a "regrettable but understandable weakness" [8, p. 57].
The gradual erasure of the double standard of moral evaluation of sexual behavior of men and women (denoted by the acronym - DS) does not necessarily mean that public opinion approvingly refers to such sexual behavioral types that previously were regarded as immoral. It is likely that the same deviation from the norm and men, and increasingly valued equally in women - or equally condemned or equally approved. Of course, according to A. Giddens, "the double standard still exists, but the women are no longer willing to tolerate the view that, if a man in
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need of diversity, and therefore we should expect from them that they are empty in extramarital adventures, then women themselves should not behave in this way" [9, p. 12].
III. Results and conclusions.
In the survey, respondents were asked to evaluate the individual manifestations of sexual practices considered traditional sexual morality as a deviant, a five-point scale - from "strongly condemn" (1) to "fully disapprove" (5). Given the ranking scale division, we were able to calculate the proportion of responses not only in each of the embodiments, but the mean (in the "points"), the estimated value of each of the above phenomena. It is easily seen that the tendency to condemnation found in the value of the average score below three (closer to unity, the stricter), and to the approval of - the above three (the more, the more lenient). Types of behaviors were matched in pairs, in order to subject them to assessment, both men and women.
In order to draw conclusions about the existence of double standards in the assessment of sexual behavior -and the entire sample population, and its specific demographic cohorts - we resorted to the calculation of the special "gi" index, the sociological meaning of which is as follows. It is clear that the double standard of evaluation of sexual behavior of men and women is a real embodiment of "not in general and in particular" - in relation to a particular behavioral type. Duality, let us recall, is expressed in the unequal perception of the same image of sexual activity of men and women. Subtracting the average score of the evaluation of female behavior average score assessment of the appropriate type of male behavior, we obtain the said index for this demographic cohort. A positive value indicates a less than approving or condemning attitude to the behavior exhibited by men, a negative value - for more approving (or less conviction) the similar behavior of women. With this approach, no double standard sexual or decreasing its intensity is expressed through approximation "gi", to zero.
We will not see a table with the estimated scores of different types of deviant sexual acts - they are too cumbersome. It should be noted that the level of three overcome only estimates of premarital sexual relations (which will have a separate conversation). High were estimates of random sexual encounters for men (2.71), as well as the periodic change of sexual partner (2.68) - the same men again. We believe that the level of evaluation in points - is not more approval, and, perhaps, less condemnation male homosexuality and male prostitution (1.72) recorded the lowest level of assessment. Indices double standards (DS) shown in Table 1.
Table 1
Indices double standards (IDS)
The t\pes of sexual behavior The sample as a whole "Fathers ' "Children" "Men" "Women"
1. Fornication 0,33 0,11 0,43 0,87 -0,16
2. Periodic change of sexual partner 0,22 0,20 0,24 0,50 -0.02
3. Casual sexual liaisons 0.22 0.16 0,26 0,47 0.02
4. Misconduct 0.23 0,16 0,30 0.73 -0,21
5. Prostitution -0,54 -0,48 -0,64 -0,96 -0,17
Based on the analysis of the data in Table 1, the highest values for the sample as a whole were fixed in such types of sexual behavior as extramarital affairs and prostitution. The first type of them is endowed with a positive value, but respondents felt that "wander over to the side" more excusable for men than for women). The fifth type of sexual behavior has a negative sign; leaving no doubt that the sexual morality quite sharply (by absolute value of the index) condemns people that make their own sexuality in the source material income.
Very low levels of the indices in almost all types of sexual deviations found among the female half of a sample array. And on such manifestations of sexual behavior as a periodic change of sexual partners and casual sex double standard for women almost disappears. We draw attention to the fact that this group of female respondents almost all indices are negative double standard: on all kinds of violations of traditional sexual morality more severely judged men, rather than representatives of their own sex. This is one of the signs that the real heroes of the sexual revolution in Russia are women. However, it is quite natural, since it is in their emancipation is in first place and focused. In the minds of men as a double standard maintains strong positions. And just harsher they blame women (to themselves they are much more lenient) for fornication and adultery. Note also that men estimate their casual sexual relations is
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fixed at 3, 10 that is shifts seem to be in the direction of the approval.
By several unexpected results leading comparison indexes double standards of different generations. The category of "children" we classified respondents 15 to 24 years (N = 225), in the category of the "fathers" - older 41 (N = 134). It would seem that the young generation should be more relaxed in sexual behavior, experiencing the most powerful impact of various factors of the sexual revolution.
However, as we can see from Table 1, among the "children" of all positions a double standard rooted deeper, though, as shall see below, most of them - are not ascetics and about sex knows firsthand. It is especially high level in relation to adultery and fornication: respectively twice and four times higher than that of the "fathers". Meanwhile, more than 97 % of this category of generators will never marry, while in the ranks of the "fathers" of 70 % are married, 17 % are divorced and 10% widowhood. In other words, the older generation of his practices all the familiar light and dark sides of family life. But maybe, just lack of personal experience and generates somewhat higher, idealistic ideas about marriage. Yet this does not explain why young people are intolerant (as compared with the older generation) are a violation of the sanctity of the marriage bond wives than husbands. Perhaps the explanation should be sought in the social and professional status of the younger respondents, many of whom were representatives of the students - students and older pupils.
Undoubtedly, attitudes toward premarital sexual relations are very different in the context of different cultures and subcultures, but from the point of view of the prevailing morals are always condemnable. This follows from the very foundations of the Institute of monogamous marriage. With traditional moral and ethical standards is closely interfaced and the process of juvenile involvement in sexual relations. It is known that the standard age limit of age varies from one society to another, and to achieve it, as a rule, linked to the recognition of legal capacity of the individual in various spheres of life, including - of marriage and sex. According to Igor Cohn, "in the European Christian culture of modern time erotic interest in children were considered unhealthy and otherwise taboo" [10, p. 141]. Probably, there are reasonable grounds to believe that the prohibition of sexuality juveniles was determined the general course of the institutionalization of the monogamous family, which occurs in response to the formation of private property. At a time when the sexual act with a high degree of probability leads to the birth of the child, inevitably raises the question of its future social and material status.
In modern society, the age of sexual debut has been steadily declining. At the same time, according to A. Giddens, "unforgettable moment" loss of innocence "of young men today is perceived as improper use of the term for boys first sexual experience - this acquisition" [9, p. 51]. Thirty or forty years ago, after learning that her son-schoolboy entered into a sexual relationship, the mother would experience a kind of shock; now mothers often "slip" fifteen sons literature on sexology and quietly put them in his jacket pocket condoms "just in case" (but almost never - daughters Here too easily seen a double standard).
According to a survey carried out last year by the Russian Center for Population, together with sociologists Italian University "La Sapienza", Russian youths become sexually active on average 17.7 years old. While Italian boys - 19.5 years, Norwegian boys - 18.3, the French boys - 18.1, young people in the UK - 17.9 years old . All bypassed American boys who begin sexual life at the age of 16 years old. Russian girls begin regular sexual life of 18.9 years old. Longer Russian ladies are "sitting in the girls" only Italians. Their first sexual experience occurs in 20.4 years old, while American ladies are sexually active at 16.2 years old [11].
Let us return to our research. Establishment of respondents' attitude towards premarital sexual experience involves finding answers to questions in three main positions: 1) levels of double standards; 2) the age at which there was a sexual debut; 3) assessment of the need to formalize the marriage for sexual intercourse. One of the main conclusions to which we came - "children" property reduced level of double standards (compared with the "fathers") about premarital sex. Value judgments to identify standards of double standards with regard to premarital sex are presented in Table 2.
Table 2
Value judgments respondents regarding premarital sex
The t\pes of sexual beha\ior "Fathers "Children»
Average N Index "вГ Average N Index "gj"
Premarital sex bovs 4,02 224 0,53 3,27 133 0,71
Premarital sex girls 3,49 224 2,56 133
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Table 2 shows that the most appreciated - just above moderate approval - give young people premarital sex "children"; the lowest - between mere "condemn" and neutral "while" (3 points) - makes the generation of "fathers" premarital sex girls.
Even more marked difference in the level of the double standards observed by comparing estimates of premarital sex given by men and women. If the first show a high level of double standards (DS = 0,81), then the second it is significantly lower (DS = 0,37). This once again confirms the idea that much of the sexual revolution is made in favor of women, and mostly by women.
It was interesting also to reveal information about the dynamics of transformation, which was subjected to evaluation of this type of sexual behavior in the last fifteen years. To this end, we have used the research materials conducted at the time of Lithuania sociologist Gediminas Navaytis [12]. He interviewed 379 boys and 585 girls in urban and rural areas in Lithuania, graduated from high school and was going to enter the higher and secondary specialized educational institutions. Comparing our results (not expressed in the evaluation scores, as a percentage, and, in terms of views, not the whole of our total sample and not just the younger generation, but those under 18), with the data G. Navaytis, we observed dramatic changes that have taken place past years. Besides the obvious increase of tolerance (and for such a young audience is not just tolerance, but also to some extent - ready), relief signal a shift in the double standard - especially among girls.
We do not give a complete answer distribution of the age in which our respondents first had sex. We note only that 4,5 % respondents- "fathers" and 30,1 % respondents- "children" did not give any answer to this question. There are certain reason to believe that there is reflected the proportion of those who do not yet acquired the experience of sexual life. As regards the comparison of the experience of representatives provisionally allocated to generations of us, the average age of first intercourse, produced by "children" are significantly lower - 16 years versus 19.5 years old. And this is true for both sexes. The younger generation (except, of course, "virgins"), the upper age limit of sexual debut does not exceed 20 years. A kind of "rush" to the period from 15 to 17 years - it is in this interval acquire sexual experience 42,6 % of today's youth. The older generation, he falls to the 18 - 20 years old (45,5 %), and the upper limit of up to 31 years old.
The impressive part (over 30 %) is the younger generation enters the "regular sex" before obtaining a passport and if young men in sexual debut compared to. "Fathers" rejuvenated for three and a half years, the girls are ahead in this "mothers" almost four years. Distribution of answers concerning the formalization of the marriage relationship as a mandatory conditions for entry into intimacy, are presented in Table 3.
Table 3
Assessment of respondents' opinions on the need to formalize the marriage relationship
The nature of the response "Fathers" "Children..
Frequency' Percent Frequency Percent
Necessarily 13 5.8 25 18,7
Better this way 28 12.4 26 26.9
In principle it is possible to do without it 61 27,1 31 23,1
It is not necessarv to do so 10 46.2 30 22,4
You keep your mind off this 13 5=8 5 3,7
No 6 2,7 7 5,2
Total 225 100 134 100
The data in Table 3 shows that the conditions of opinion on the need for young people is found in the two and a half times less than that recognized the "fathers" (or one and a half times more often young men expressed the opposite opinion). The distribution by age cohorts freer views on this subject differ respondents aged 16 - 18 years old (almost 83 % believe that it can be ignored), the most conservative are those who are over 50 (52,5 % tend to compulsory this condition).
A certain idea of the formal evaluation of the wedding paraphernalia can provide answers related to attitudes toward the idea of the so-called "trial" marriage. Referring to relevant data, it is easy to see that the "children" consent of the index with the statement - "Before get married, it is necessary to check whether the person approaches you in
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a sexual sense" - remains at the level of 3.90 (come closer to the option "rather agree"), and "fathers" - at the level of 3.36. Strictly speaking, the given circumstance, perhaps, and does not indicate directly the attitude to "trial" marriage, but basically expresses the sense of the idea. Analysis of the distribution of demographic cohorts shows that this idea strongly supported by respondents aged 16 to 25 years, but are cool to it, as one might expect, those who are over fifty. References
1. Igor Kon, "Sexual behavior of Russians in the XX century", the Collection of materials of the All-Russian scientific-practical conference "The population of Russia in the XX century" (Moscow, 1998), 394 pp.
2. Sergei Golod, XX century and trends in sexual relations 6 monograph in Russia (St. Petersburg: Publishing house "Aletheia", 1996), 192 pp.
3. Michele Foucoult, The History of Sexuality (Hormondsworth: Pelican, 1981); Jeffrey Weeks, Sexuality and its Discontents (London: Routledge, 1995); Antony Giddens, The Transformation of Intimacy: Sexuality, love and eroticism in modern societies (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992).
4. Boris Porshnev, About the beginning of human history (paleo psychological problems: monograph (Moscow: Publishing house "FERI-B", 2006), 640 pp.
5. Peter and Brigitte Berger, Sociology: A Biographical Approach (London: Penguin Books, 1981), 300 pp.
6. Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Spiral of Silence: Public Opinion - Our social skin (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1984), 227 pp.
7. Friedrich Engels, Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, Selected Works in 3 vols. Vol. 3 (Moscow: Politizdat, 1986), 639 hp.
8. Lawrence Stone, The family, sex and marriage in England 1500 - 1800 (London: Penguin Press, 1977), 800 pp.
9. Antony Giddens, The Transformation of Intimacy: Sexuality, love and eroticism in modern societies (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992), 212 pp.
10. Igor Kon, Introduction to sexology: a tutorial (Moscow: Publishing house "Folium", 1998), 336 pp.
11. Vladimir Anurin, "The sexual revolution: a double standard", Sociological studies. No. 9, (2000): 88-95.
12. Gediminas Navaytis, "Young people's attitudes toward premarital sexual relations", Sociological studies. No. 2, (1988): 71-80.
© P yanov A.I., 2016
УДК 316
Белашова Виктория Викторовна
магистрант Академии маркетинга и социально - информационных технологий - ИМСИТ
г. Краснодар, РФ Е-тай^ка/Ье^^уаЛ995@тай.т
ОСНОВНЫЕ СОЦИОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ ПРОБЛЕМЫ МОДЕРНИЗАЦИИ
Аннотация
В статье анализируются предпосылки, возможности и ограничения предстоящего этапа модернизации российского общества. Развивается идея перехода от техно-бюрократической к социально-гуманитарной ее модели, с опорой на союз науки и гражданского общества, и роль общественных наук в этом процессе.
Ключевые слова Модернизация и ее типы, ресурсы, общество, социология, Россия.
