CC BY
28
J. L. Garcia Alonso Ancient Greek names in -oussa
in the west of the Mediterranean
Резюме: В данной статье подробно разбираются греческие топонимы на -oussa, засвидетельствованные в Западном Средиземноморье, а также этимология этого суффикса и его присутствие в других регионах. Так как этот суффикс перестал употребляться в названиях до периода колонизации греками этого региона, скорее всего, рассматриваемые топонимы были даны греками в IX-VIII веках до н. э. во время исследовательских экспедиций.
Ключевые слова: Древнегреческий язык, топонимы, этимология, греческие диалекты.
In 1996 I published an article1 updating my master's thesis of 19902. This article dealt with the somehow surprising frequency of Greek place names ending in -oussa in the Western half of the Mediterranean3. Surprising because the date in which this place name formation was most popular in the Greek world was considerably earlier than the Greek colonization of the West4.
What I did was to gather and map5, first of all, every instance of those names, in Greece proper and away, both of a clear Greek etymology and of an unclear or unknown one. Then I did a linguistic analysis of the place name formations behind those names, touching dialectal and chronological questions all about them, in order to see whether it was
1 "Nombres griegos en -oussa en el Mediterráneo occidental. Análisis lingüístico e historico" Complutum, 7, 1996, 105-124.
2 Estudios sobre toponimia griega en el Mediterráneo Occidental. Nombres en -oussa, Universidad de Salamanca.
3 See already Carpenter 1925.
4 The question has been recently reexamined by Pierre Moret 2006: 45-49.
5 The originals and keys for the maps reproduced here may be consulted in García Alonso 1996.
possible to date them or to attribute them to a specific group of Greeks.
In 1948 A. García y Bellido (p. 50) remarked that apart from different signs of a Mycenean presence, there are no archaeological data to certify the presence of Greeks around Pithekoussa-Cumae (the first Greek colony in the West) before the 8th or 9th century B.C., although it would seem that "antes de que los eubeos fundasen la colonia tenían que conocer bien estos parajes". He then mentions three possible routes of
penetration in the West of the Mediterranean and makes an observation that inspired my work on the subject.
One of the routes would follow the Northern African coast (cf. the voyage of the Samian Colaios). The second one would be that following the Provenzal coast, well attested archaeologically, something much less clear with the third possible route: the one jumping from island to island (García y Bellido 1948: 69), well documented, however, he says, "gracias a un cierto número de topónimos muy antiguos" (my italics). He is referring to our names in -oussa, already noticed by Schulten (FHA, 1, 89) and Carpenter (1925: 12).
In order to draw a conclusion about the verisimilitude of this idea it is of course essential to date the place names and identify those responsible within Greece. And so I proceeded to gather and analyse the names. García y Bellido considered them "testimonios fósiles de un pasado remotísimo" and attributed the names to the Ionian dialect, since, as it was well known already to him, there were many place names with this ending in the Ionian coast of Asia Minor. In our previous work we tried to see whether this abundance is an isolated fact in the Greek world.
To Garcia y Bellido the names should be attributed to the Chalcidians and not to the Phocaeans, the only Greeks that we know for certain that were the founders of different colonies on this side of the Mediterranean. He considers that the names
from the West respond to the times "de las primeras navegaciones o prospecciones descubridoras de calcidios y rodios, es decir, por lo menos, en los s. IX-VIII". It is true that a place name of a certain attribution to the Chalcidians is Pithekoussa, the first Greek colony known in the West. The arrival to the West and the colonizing effort of the Phocaeans were a product of a later time, the 6th century BC. They did not settle the Magna Graecia, already occupied, and with its names in -oussa since two hundred years earlier. They touched on the Provenzal coastal area, as well as on the coastal lands of today's Cataluña and Valencia. Interestingly enough, the Phocaean regions do not show names in -oussa if we accept García y Bellido's location of Avienus' O'inoüaaa (491) in Cartagena. But Tovar (1987: 5) preferred to locate this town in Peñíscola, more Southern than the Phocaean outpost of Akra Leuke, today's Alicante. If Tovar is right, perhaps we should not discard the Phocaeans, after all, for these series of names. García y Bellido (1948: 133) himself does not reject it, pointing out the presence of -oussa names around Phocea itself. García y Bellido mentions also (1948: 57) the once popular Rhodian hypothesis, supported by different facts:
I. The name of Tartessos, in the Southwest of the Iberian Peninsula, may be an adaptation of something native within some toponymic patterns (Halicarnassos, Knossos, Tylissos) known to them.
II. Strabo says that Ophioussa6 was an old name of the island of Rhodes. The abundante of place names in -oussa in the neighbourhood of the island is great.
1. Characteristics of the toponymic Corpus examined.
I gathered all place names with this ending that are either Greek or at least mentioned by authors writing in Greek, both in literary and in epigraphic texts. We found more than two hundred places with names of this type, although a few a repeated, some being particularly popular.
6 On this very popular name see Moret 2006: 57-58.
I included every name with this ending in the list (see García Alonso 1996), even when it was clear that the only Greekness in some cases was the source transmitting the name, like Zarmizegethoussa.
Once the names were gathered, it was possible to classify them in three main groups according to their etymology:
1. The main group is that of the names which show -oussa coming from *-o-peT-ya (feminine of an adjectival formant that appears in Greek as -óeis / -oU", -oéaaa / -ouTTa, -oen / -oun), we find the names of around 80 islands, some 35 towns, 7 regions, 3 or 4 mountains and promontorios and 4 streams or fountains.
2. Formed with the suffix *-ont-ya, that served in Greek to form the feminine present participles, we found 9 islands, 12 towns (9 of which have the name of Arethoussa, whose formation is not completely clear), 8 fountains (7 of them Arethoussa) and two mountains and promontories7.
3. Finally, there is a series of names with an opaque etymology, mostly in non-Greeks lands (obvious adaptations of foreign names) but also some in Greek areas. We gathered here the names of 4 islands, 31 or 32 towns, 1 mountain, 4 fountains and 5 other places.
But the most meaningful group is the first one. Most of the place names in the West that caught our attention belong in here. They form a well defined group that is more frequent, in general, than we assumed at first. Therefore, the main emphasis in my work was put on them.
I will briefly comment now on their formal characteristics and analyse their distribution.
7 Names of ships. A group that looks interesting is composed by some names of ships with this ending. They are mentioned in Attic inscriptions (not always in an Attic dialectal form). The tempting association linking them with the sociolect of sailors and the place names are somehow weakened when we realise that most ship names are feminine present participles, whereas, as we will see now, the most typical Western place names belong in our group I.
2. Linguistic analysis of *-o-peT -ya
There was in Indo-European (Lejeune 1958) a suffix * -went- / *-wont- / *-wnt-, that served to form a particular type of adjectives meaning something like 'provided with', 'rich in'), that may be fully appreciated in Hittite, Indo-Iranian (Sanskrit and Avest. -vant-) and Greek: Greek adjectives in -eis, -essa, -en, on -pent- on which see Buck 1921. As already Lejeune believed and pointed out, it is very likely that the Latin adjectives in -osus contain the same suffix (<*-o-wnt-to-).
The feminine form (Buck and Petersen 1939: 460) was formed, as expected, in Indo-European, on the zero grade -wnt- (Sans. rupa-vat-i), but in Greek the form developed regularly, *-pat-ya, was changed into *-pet-ya under the influence of the masculine and neuter forms with e (from *-pent-). And so, the feminine forms in Greek are -pessa, -petta, according to the different dialects8.
2. 1. Phonetic factors of dialectal differentiation
First thing we must point out is the treatment of intervocalic -w- in the Greek dialects of the first millennium BC. This sound was lost at a particularly early date in the dialectal group of Attic and Ionian (Buck 1955: 46; also Rix 1976: 96; Lejeune 1972: 174; Schwyzer 1939: 313-15). In the rest of the dialects its occurrence in initial position is frequent and it is preserved until the 5th century and beyond (Buck 1955: 46).
8 There was originally, and typically, also an alternation of the suffix along the paradigm, still kept in Indo-Iranian, even within the flexion of the masc.-neuter: -vant- (<*-went- or <*-wont-) vs. -vat- (<*-wnt-). The Sanskrit feminine nominative singular, -vati-, would be the result of a *-wnt-yh, also under the Greek form -fessa. But this Greek form is not the expected phonetic result of an inherited *-wnt-yh. The analogy has ended the alternation almost completely. In masculine-neuter the e grade has been generalized. But in the feminine forms, it did so 'late': the forms -fessa, -fetta cannot come from *-fevt-ya, since this would have yielded **-fevsa, **-feisa, **-fhsa, (according to the different dialects). They instead come from *-fet-ya, analogically developed from *-fat-ya, the regular phonetic evolution of the zero grade *-wnt-ya.
The -w- in our suffix did actually find itself between vowels9, the first position where this sound is lost (Buck 1955: 48)10.
This loss is directly linked with the proclivity of this formation to appear with a vocalic contraction, since "la contraction ou la non contraction de deux voyelles en contact dépend de l'antiquité de ce contact" (Chantraine 1942, 1: 27).
Vocalic contractions constitute, in Greek, a relatively recent phenomenon, clearly post-Mycenaean. When o and e, in this order, suffer contraction (Lejeune 1972: 259; Buck 1955: 42), the result, in all dialects, is the same as that of o + o:
1. they yield a long closed o (spelled ou) in the dialects, such as Attic, that do distinguish two long e and o (Ionian and Doris mitior).
2. In the rest of the Greek dialects of the first millennium BC, the result of the contraction merges together with the old long o (w).
But there are occasions in which they did not contract, particularly when they have got in contact after the loss of a -w- (Buck 1955; Lejeune 1972; Chantraine 1942), since the loss of this sound in intervocalic position is later than that of the yod or the sigma.
Thus, most adjectives with our suffix appear in Homer without contraction (aiiaaToeis, etc...). Many of the place names in -oeaaa could have suffered the influence of the poetic language and just be a transference to a certain poeticizing written language, particularly in the cases of names registered as "ancient" in our sources, a good percentage of the total amount. But many could just be a phonetic reflection
9 Since the originally athematic suffix became mostly thematic in Greek. See below.
10 With our adjectival formation there are a few dialectal examples that show the digamma preserved: Corc. <jTovoûea(<j)a, Boeotian Xapi^eTTa, Pamphylian Tima^e(o)ua, Delph. fXei^onTaGev (Lejeune 1946), and certain Locrian forms: *'Opoûeis, ' Opo^evTios (Méndez Dosuna 1985: 95).
of this formation in dialectal groups different to Ionian-Attic (perhaps even in Euboean Ionian)11.
There are two main groups of words with this formation in Greek: archaic-poetic adjectives, non-contracted (Buck 1955; Lejeune 1958), and place-names usually under the contracted Ionian form12 of prose-writers (not worried by the meter), frequently superseding local forms such as -wooa, -oeooa, -ouTTa. Buck considers, mistakenly, 'Ionian' the non-contracted form. We should rather call it 'archaic', 'poetic' or 'Homeric'. And then he calls 'Attic' the contracted form -ouCTCTa, when actually the Attic form is -ouTTa. -ouaaa is in fact the Ionian form.
The groups of dental + yod, such as the one that we see in *-peT-ya, were not stable in Ancient Greek. Therefore this is another point of phonetic development, dialectally diverse in Greek, regarding our suffix. The evolution is already evident in Mycenaean. Later on no dialect has kept the group intact, of course. The phonetic solution is not precisely simple and has partially merged with the results of other groups (*ts, *t(h)y, *k(h)y,*tw). Some dialects (Attic, Boeotian) show a very special result (TT) that leaves them isolated from the rest, which show
(7(7.
2. 2. The formation with *-o-peT-ya in Ancient Greek.
According to the testimonies of Hittite and Indo-Iranian (Buck y Petersen 1939: 460; Lejeune 1958: 5), as well as Mycenaean Greek, the suffix *-went- was added at first to roots both in vowel and in consonant: it was an athematic construction. However, in first millennium Greek, the types based in roots with a vowel, and specially in -oeis and -heis, expanded significantly at the expense of the rest to the extent that, in the first millennium, there are no examples on consonantal radicals.
11 These authentic -oeooa, so to speak, could have suffered an analogy in the opposite direction in other authors of Ionian speech or with the arrival of the koine.
12 It coincides with that of Doris mitior dialects or that of the koine.
The suffix was used in Greek initially (Buck 1921: 367-68) with all types of nominal themes, both vocalic and consonantal (except perhaps themes in -u-), just like in Sanskrit. But derivatives in a- or in o- must have been the most numerous classes from the beginning.
Therefore, the Greek of the first millennium BC innovated in relation with Mycenaean. Lejeune felt (1958: 8) that these irregularities could respond either to the great freedom of verbal creation characterizing poetry since Homer or simply to metric needs, or perhaps it could be related to a general tendency in Greek to thematise the third declension.
In my opinion it is a better assumption to think that this innovation, seen both in the adjectives of the poetry and in the place names, is something that happened in everyday language right before the formation disappeared. It is not uncommon that linguistic resources like this one pass through a period of hypertrophy (with formal innovations) when doomed to oblivion, paradoxically.
There are examples of thematization of themes ending in -i- (such as Tep|iioeis, attested as athematic in Mycenaean, according to Bader 1969), -u- (ixQuoeis as well as our place name ' IxQuoeaaa), -r- (uSpoeis and the place name ' YSpoeaaa) and plosives (KlomaKoeis and KloimaKoeaaa, foiniKoeis and FoiniKoeaaa, meliToeis and MeliToeaaa)13.
This suffix in Greek of the second millennium had served to form adjectives in the everyday level of the language, but the procedure was abandoned during the so-called Dark Age. They became fossilized in a very large group of toponyms and in a much more reduced group of personal names (particularly names of nymphs), as well a series of nouns, that we could call, so to speak, 'gastronomic': the names of Attic cakes, etc.
13 Without the thematization there are a significant number of place names in -heis, -heaaa. In Homer we have Kupapiaaheis and SeXXheis. Stephen of Byzance says that' YXheaaa was an ancient name of Paros. There are more examples, some in the West (Southern Italy, Sicily, Northern Africa). There are also names in -weis, -weaaa.
Therefore, the language of everyday life did abandon this formation as a method to create adjectives. There were no more adjectives of this type. In prose the only adjective recorded is xapieis (and perhaps Pamphylian Ti|i.apeCTCTa). The rest of occurrences of this formation are a long list of 'poetic' adjectives, archaisms of a remote past that we can glimpse in the Mycenaean tablets (Lejeune 1958).
2.2.1. Toponyms.
This is the category we are most interested in. An important number of old adjectives with this ending became place names. Buck (1921: 373) already observes that this has constituted one of the most productive sources of toponyms, although he provides too small a number: more than one hundred and fifty place names of this sort. I have only studied the feminine forms and have already found about that amount. But obviously the old adjectives could appear in any of the genders, in agreement with the substantives they accompanied originally: the names of the Attic demes of Mippinois and MippinoiTTa (from *Mipaino-penT-, 'full of / planted with mirth') presuppose, respectively, xwpos and Xwpa.
These place names are, then, transparent in their formation and meaning. However, among them we find some that we do not understand, being either adaptations of pre-Greek toponyms or formations on Greek words we do not know14.
This type of place names may appear in any part of the Greek world, with almost no restrictions, although we find them unevenly distributed. The preservation of the same formation in the poetic adjectives (Homeric a|ma9oeis and 'A|ma9ois, a city in Cyprus), clearly helps these toponyms to stay fully understandable, as becomes apparent when we see the image of celery (aeXinon) on the coins of Selinous (SeXinois)15.
14 A clear example of adaptation of a foreign word, in the extreme West, is AepTUCTCTa.
15 Very often, as pointed out already by Lejeune (1946), the characteristic chosen for these toponymic denominations belongs to
2.2.2. Other uses for this formation.
Apart from the place names this formation is used for some other names: names of nymphs and, as I said before, 'gastronomic' appellatives: meliTouTTa (a kind of Attic cake), CThsamou", Tupous (see Garcia Alonso 1996: 109).
Apart from this, the only adjective that appears as such in prose (all the other adjectives appear only in poetry, as an archaic looking poetic resource) is capleis (see Garcia Alonso 1996: 109 for some possible exceptions, etc.). The main group of words with this formation is, then, the large number of adjectives, particularly frequent in Homer and, following it, in any text of a poetic nature that tries to sound "Homeric".
These glwTTai are created with complete freedom ("et sou vent artificiellement" (Lejeune 1958: 7) by the poets, responding to metric or style needs, since Homeric times16 until the Alexandrian poets. Only a third of the total of adjectives is pre-Alexandrian, significantly. Even prose-writers like Herodotus did use them in the non-contracted, particularly Homeric form, to dignify or elevate the level of his
the vegetable kingdom (this having a lot to do with the frequency of place names of this sort derived from pre-Greek plant names). See García Ramón 1998. Others derive from the fauna (¿TpouGoüs, Muoüs, ' OfioÜCTCTa, ni8r|KOL>CTCTai), nature, forms of the terrain or climate
( ' AmaSoüs, MuXoüs, ' ÁKiSoÜCTCTa, ' AvemWaaa, ' AXoüs), and products of human activities ( ApmaSoüs, KaXaGoüs).
16 Obviously, the formations, if we look at the state of affairs Mycenaean times, could perfectly have been of common use in the past before becoming part of a poetic paint for poetic texts. The poetic-sounding capacity of archaisms.
discourse. The correct interpretation of the words is assured by the place names (Hoffmann et alii 1973: 174-75).
3. Ionian or poetic?
This formation has traditionally been linked with the Ionian dialect, having this, of course, serious implications when we are trying to ascertain who is responsible for the place names in -oussa in the West. This is where some authors base their hypothesis relating these names to the Ionian (Phocaean) colonization of the area. Buck (1921), for instance, even mistakenly considers Ionian the Homeric form -oessa (that in fact may be an archaism in many other dialects as well as Ionian) and as translations into Attic the forms in -oussa, when this is actually the regular Ionian form; the Attic form being -ouTTa.
To put it frankly, there is no reason to link this formation particularly with the Ionian dialect. Not even a special concentration of names of this type in Ionia proper would. In this case we should also take into account other reasons for such a concentration, such as the date of the place-naming activity in this area as opposed to other regions.
During the very important migrations of the 12th to 10th centuries BC, the Greeks were making much use of this adjectival formant, much in the same way that we see in Mycenaean texts. There was even a kind of hypertrophy, and a thematization of the formant. When the Ionian Greeks of this period settled along the coasts of central Asia Minor and named so many tiny islands, they made much use of a linguistic resource they were used to in the poetic creations of the time, among them the oral epic materials leading eventually to Homer. A considerably large corpus of place names in -oussa was created then, secondarily associated to names of islands (nhsos being a feminine substantive).
The names in -oussa in the West do not have to respond to a colonizing movement of the same times. They could be analogical extensions or secondary transplants17 produced later on, in a moment when the toponymic formant was already fossilized in the poetic language and the older place names, particularly abundant in Asia Minor coastal areas. Maybe they could be attributed to the first Greek explorations of the area: perhaps the end of the 9th century BC, when the formation could still be alive in everyday language, previous to the first Greek foundations, like the Chalcidian ni9r|Kouaaa. Or maybe they could also be attributed to later times, if we could accept that an adjectival formative procedure, dead in
17 The transference of more Easterly place names to the far West was a common Greek practice according to R. Adrados (2000, 2001).
the common language but alive in the poetic language, could still be a source for new place names or for the naming of new places with old toponyms18.
4. Distribution of the names.
4. 1. Greece proper.
It is true, in any case, if we look now at the distribution of the names, that the areas of Greece occupied by speakers of Northern dialects have a much lower density of place names of this type.
NW Greece, most of the Peloponnesus (but Arcadia and the NE, an area where the pre-Dorian elements -akin to Ionians- were significant) and Crete have very few or no place name of this type. Rhodes and the Doris have a lot of them but we suspect a pre-Dorian Greek presence in the area. The highest density corresponds to the Aegean and the coasts of Asia Minor, but also to some areas of continental Greece (NE Peloponnesus, Arcadia, Boeotia). There is no single place name of our sort in Messenia or Laconia and very, very few in the NW, perhaps because there were no movements of people at the time where this formation was fashionable or because it was not fashionable among the speakers of Northern Greek dialects at the time.
To consult the whole list of names and the references to the ancient sources transmitting them to us, please refer to García Alonso 1996.
4. 2. Black Sea scarcity vs. Western Mediterranean abundance.
There is an interesting difference here, taking into account that both areas entered the Greek area of influence at about the same time, and the Greeks in question came roughly from the same areas. Perhaps the place names in -oussa in the extreme West have something to do with exploratory trips significantly earlier than the first foundations: in fact they are names of
18 This possibility was also considered in my article of 1996 (p. 119), and is favoured also by Moret (2006: 46-49).
islands, capes and other elements of the natural landscapes of sailors, not towns, etc.
4. 3. Southern Anatolia's high concentration.
This is certainly something to think about. This area makes a continuum of high concentration of names of this type following the Aeagean coasts up to Lesbos and the Troas at least. We also find toponyms in Cyprus and lots of them around Pamphylia. We know the Greeks moved and settled in this areas very early.
5. CONCLUSIONS.
Coming back to the initial point, the apparent contradiction between the Phocaean colonization of the West of the Mediterranean and the presence of a group of place names in -oussa, that apparently would require a considerably earlier dating, it would be good to phrase a few conclusions.
On the Northern part of the Western Mediterranean there are no place names in -oussa, not because the Phocaeans did not know the suffix (many toponyms are so formed around the metropolis itself), but because the resource was not fashionable anymore during the 7th or 6th centuries, when they arrived in the area. The type fell into oblivion when naming places most likely right before the beginning of the alphabetic era, as we have shown.
Therefore, the names in -oussa that we do have in the West should not be attributed to the Phocaeans but to someone else. My impression is that they could respond to explorations of the West conducted 200 years prior to the Phocaean settlements in the West, most likely contemporary to the first Greek foundations in Sicily and Magna Graecia. Before the great colonisations there must have been serious and systematic explorations of the areas concerned, at about the end of the 9th century BC and throughout the 8th (Ridgeway 1973). These Western names may have something to do with this.
I do not reject as impossible the option alluded to above (see also Moret 2006: 46-49) that sees in these names simply a survival well into the Classical period and even beyond of a formative procedure abandoned for the adjectives but not for
the place names. As I said in 1996 (p. 119): "¿no es posible que la tradición pesase más en el momento de bautizar un lugar (situación cercana a la creación poética y en la que la lengua podría ser arcaizante o poética) que en el habla diaria?". However, although, when faced with the hard choice between these two attractive options, I feel very hesitant, I think the fact that there are blanks of -oussa place names in areas of such significance in the great Greek archaic colonization as the Black Sea region, should make us slightly prefer the first of them: the explorers of the 9th - 8th centuries.
As for the exact origin of the Greeks giving these names to the places of the far West, it is difficult to reject any area. However, the type was well known in the Ionian areas most active in the first times of the great archaic colonisations. Therefore, they could be Samians, Phocaeans, Milesians, even Rhodians or Corinthians. However, the Euboeans, particularly the Chalcidians, speakers of Ionian and very active at this initial period of expansion, are particularly strong candidates. The oldest of the Greek settlements in the Western half of the Mediterranean is a Chalcidian foundation: Pithekoussa.
But there could have been several groups of Greeks active in this area at the end of the 9th or beginning of the 8th century BC. Just like the Greeks did 200 hundred years later, it would not be strange that they faced such an enterprise from different póleis at the same time.
Works cited
Autran, Ch. (1926-30): Introduction á l'Étude Critique du Nom
Propre Grec, Paris. Bader, F. (1969): Études du composition nominale en mycénien, Roma.
Brixhe, C. (1976): Le Dialecte Grec de Pamphylie. Documents et
Grammaire, Paris. Buck, C. D. (1921): "Studies in Greek Noun-Formation. Dental termination II 3. Words la -ei", -eaaa, -en", Classical Philology, 16: 367.
Buck, C. D. (1955): The Greek Dialects: Grammar, selected
inscriptions, glossary. Chicago. Buck, O. D.; Petersen, W. (1939): Reverse Index of Greek Nouns and
Adjectives, Chicago. Carpenter, R. (1925): The Greeks in Spain, Bryn Mawr (Pennsylvania).
Chantraine, P. (1973): Grammaire Homérique. 1. Phonétique et Morphologie, Paris.
Deroy, L. (1967): "Les Toponimes Mycénicns en -wo du type Erinowo". Atti et Memorie... I Congreso Internationale de Micenologia, Roma, II: 578-9.
Drews, R. (1976): "The Earliest Greek Settlements of the Black Sea", JHS, 96: 18, 31.
García y Bellido, A. (1948): Hispania Graeca, 3 vols., Barcelona.
García Ramón, J. L. (1998): "Geographischen Namen", in Der Neue Pauly, Stuttgart-Weimar, 4: 930-934.
Graham, A. J. (1958): "The date of the Oreek penetration on the Black Sea", BICS, 5: 25-42.
Heubeck, A. (1960): "Zu den griechischen Ortsnamen mit uent-Suflix", BzN, 11: 4-10.
Heubeck, A. (1961): "Nochmals zu den griechischen Ortsnamen mit uent-Suflix", BzN, 12: 95-96.
Heubeck, A. (1976): "Epikritisches zu dem griechischen Ortsnamen mit dem -went-/-wont- Suffix, besonders zu dem Namen Phleius", Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici (SMEA), 17: 127-136.
Hoffmann, O. (1973): Historia de la Lengua Griega. Gredos, Madrid.
Krestchmer, P. (1909): "Zur griechisehen und lateinischen Wortforschung", Glotta, 1: 323-25.
Lejeune, M. (1946): "En Marge d'Inscriptions Greeques Dialectales. V Note sur le nom de Phlionte", REA, 48: 203-215.
Lejeune, M. (1958): "Les adjectives mycéniens à suffixe -went-", REA, 70: 5.
Lejeune, M. (1969): "Sur les toponymes mycéniens en -wont-", BSL, 64-1: 43-56.
Lejeune, M. (1972): Phonétique Historique du Mycénien et du Grec Ancien. Paris.
Leumann, M. (1950): Homerische Wörter. Basilea.
Méndez Dosuna, J. (1985): Los Día/actos Griegos del Noroeste. Gramática y Estudio Dialectal. Salamanca.
Morel, J. P. (1975): "L'expansion phocéenne en Occideit dix années de recherches (1966-1975) ", BCH, 99: 853-96.
Moret, P. (2006): "La formation d'une toponymie et d'une ethnonymie grecques de l'Ibérie : Étapes et acteurs", in La invención de una geografía de la Península Ibérica. I. La época republicana, G. Cruz Andreotti, P. Le Roux y P- Moret eds., Madrid, 39-76.
Ridgeway, D. (1973): "The First Westem Greeks", Greeks, Celts and Romans (C. Hawkes, ed.), Londres: 5-37.
Rix, A. (1976): Historische Grammatik des Griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft: Darmstadt.
Rodríguez Adrados, F. (2000) "Topónimos griegos en Iberia y Tartessos", Emerita, 68 (1): 1-18.
— (2001) "Más sobre Iberia y los topónimos griegos", AEspA, 74: 25-33.
Sainer, A. P. (1976): "An Index of the Place Names at Pylos", SMEA, 17:17-63.
Schulten, A.; Bosch-Gimpera P. (1922-40): Fontes Hispaniae Antiquae. Barcelona.
Schwyzer, E. (1939): Griechische Grammatik. Munich.
Tovar, A. (1987): "Lenguas y pueblos de la Antigua Hispania: lo que sabemos de nuestros antepasados protohistóricos", Actas del IV Coloquio sobre Lenguas y culturas paleohispánlcas = Studia Paleohispanica, Veleia, 2-3, Vitoria: 1-29.
