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ABDUL LATIF AFRIDI: A NATIONALIST AND LEFTIST LEADER O F KHYBER PAKHTUNKHWA, PAKISTAN
1DR. MOHAMMAD AYAZ, 2SIKANDAR HAYAT AFRIDI, 3DR NOUSHEEN JAMSHED, 4MS SAIRA HASSAN,
5MISS MADEHA NEELAM
1Lecturer/In-Charge Chairman, Department of Pakistan Studies, Kohat University of Science and
Technology, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Email: ([email protected]) 2Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Kohat University of Science and Technology, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Email: [email protected] 3Lecturer Pakistan Studies, Pakistan Studies Department, Islamia College Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Email: [email protected]. pk 4Lecturer in Pakistan Studies, Government Girls Post Graduate College Kohat. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,
Pakistan Email: [email protected] 5Ph.D Scholar, Pakistan Studies, Pakistan Study Centre, University of Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan Email: [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Abdul Latif Afridi (1942-2023) was a known leftist politician from NWFP (present-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, province of Pakistan) who joined National Awami Party (NAP) in his student life in 1960s, at times when political parties of Pakistan were divided on ideological lines. This division was majorly caused by a direct collision between ideologies of communism and capitalism, which had already resulted into a bi-polar world; Soviet Russia was leading the communist camp while the capitalist camp was led by United States of America. Pakistan being ally of US-led Block throughout the Cold War period, made it hard for its communists, and nationalists, leaders to carry out their politics. The Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) was banned in 1954, and most of its leaders have joined NAP. Amidst this tough political situation, Afridi began to carry out his work to mobilize peasants and landless workers by participating actively in peasant politics. In those days, Kisan (peasant) Committee was working under the banner of NAP. He also played an effective role in the organization and development of Trade Unions in former NWFP in its formative phase, by mobilizing employees and workers of Industrial sector. It is worth mentioning that he was also remained a leading figure of Pakistan's Lawyers Movement. This research paper seeks to explore the times and conditions of Afridi in which he worked, his major contribution, and as well as to present an analysis of nationalist and leftist politics in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
KEY-WORDS: Communist, Hashtnagar, Lawyer movement, leftist politics, Nationalist, Peasant, progressive, Pakhtun.
INTRODUCTION
Abdul Latif Afridi (1942-2023) was born, at Qamber Khel (Tirah Maidan) which was historically administered under Tribal Areas of the British colonial India. His father Hajji Hikmat Shah owned landed property in Tirah. The deteriorating political conditions of colonial India impacted on his thinking and political consciousness in tender age, as he was hardly six years when Pakistan came into existence. Born in British colonial India, he was raised and educated in post-colonial Pakistan. After completing early education from Government Primary School, at Garhi Subat Khan, he passed high school (10thGrade) from Government High School No. 1 in 1958 (Afridi, 2021)
For pursuing higher studies, young Afridi moved to Peshawar and got admission in Government College Peshawar from where he passed BA examination in 1961. After graduation he got admission to the University of Peshawar and passed Bachelor of Law, LLB from Khyber Law College as well as obtained master's degree in economics from the
Department of Economics. It was during his studies at University of Peshawar that Mr. Afridi came close to Professor Mazhar-ul-Haq, a Marxist thinker, and other progressive literary figures, which Amir Hamza Shinwari (1907-1994), Khatir Ghaznavi (1910-1976), Dost Mohammad Kamil (1915-1981), Farigh Bukhari (1917-1997), and Qalandar Mohmand 1930-1994). Several of them were either associated with the National Awami Party (NAP) or other left leaning organizations (Ayaz, 2022). In an interview with the researcher, Mr. Afridi recalled, the impact of these progressive intellectuals on his inclination towards nationalist and leftist politics.
Living among such progressive personalities, Afridi developed a good reading habit and would use to spend more time in readings at campus libraries. At Islamia College's library, he would spend time in discussion with Lala Shakoor, a progressive Professor who was also influenced by Marxist thinking. Lala Shakoor was in close contact with Comrade Ziarat Gul, Mohammad Hussain Ata1, Mohammad Afzal Bangash and other communist leaders of Communist Party of Pakistan, (CPP), who were carrying their under-groundwork2 in other upfront leftist political parties, especially National Awami Party, NAP (Ayaz, Mohammad, Islam, 2022). This was due to the deep influence of these relationships and social networks that Afridi would use to attend and participate in Marxist study circles and would also read progressive materials, like Qaumi Jang (People's War) a Newspaper of CPP. He would also read essays of Progressive Writers in particularly Syed Muttalibi Faridabadi, and would also read circulars of NAP, which was made available to them by these social networks. (Afridi, 2022)
Because of his close association with progressive literature, Afridi was attracted by the labor movement and Trade Union politics. He would also read "Manshor" (The Manifesto) which was published by Union of Pakistan International Airlines, (PIA). Tufail Abbas was elected as president of PIA in 1962 who mobilized the workers and labor for organizing Trade Unions in West Pakistan. Afridi played a significant role in organizing Trade Unions in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa by establishing Union of workers in Haripur, Nowshera, Mardan Sugar Mills Jahangir Textile Mills, Charsadda Sugar Mills, etc. He would usually visit all these areas on a frequent basis and would also deliver lectures at these sites. Besides the Trade Union politics, he would also participate in Kisan Committee's meetings and had visited Hushtnagar on numerous occasions in connection with peasant movement in 1970s. (Hum Pashto, 2021)
Apart from progressive and Trade Union politics, Afridi also remained a staunch activist and leading figure of Layer Movement for the restoration of judiciary in 2007-8. He was elected as President Peshawar High Court Bar Association's (PHCBA), and President of the Supreme Court Bar Association of Pakistan (SCBA). He remained an active member of the earlier National Awami Party NAP and served as member National Assembly from 1997 and 1999 from Awami National Party (ANP).
This research paper focuses on the multi-dimensional shades of the life and politics of Abdul Latif Afridi. Lala. His contribution in organizing working class, Trade Union politics, Peasant movement, and lately Layer movement requires an academic inquiry to understand the historical evolution and growth of leftist politics in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. It is also worth mentioning to note that due to Pakistan's entry into US led alliance which was combating communism throughout cold war era, academic research on the socialist programs, and literature was discouraged. It is therefore important to investigate how Latif Lala adhered himself with nationalist politics while actively participating in Trade Union politics, Peasant Committee, and lately Lawyer movement. In the following pages,
1 Mohammad Hussain Ata was secretary of the banned Communist Party of Pakistan.
2 Lala Shakoor was transferred to Government College Lahore during Ayub Khan government, on account of Marxist activities at Peshawar. This was confirmed an interview with Prof. Aziz-ud-Din, a Marxist thinker, at his residence at Lahore in August 2021 by the research.
we will discuss the earlier part of his life in connection with NAP politics till the foundation of ANP.
POLITICAL CARRER: FROM NAP TO ANP
The formation of NAP came into existence when six leftist political parties of West Pakistan, i.e., Khudai Khidmatgar from NWFP, Sindh Hari Committee, Wror Pashtun from Baluchistan, Azad Pakistan Party of Punjab merged to found Pakistan National Party (PNP) in 1955 and then PNP and Awami League merged to form NAP in 1957(Amin, 2022). It was the second leftist political party of United Pakistan as Communist Party of Pakistan CPP was banned in 1954 and most of its workers and leaders were carrying their work under the banner of NAP as upfront organization (K. A. Ali, 2011). The progressive writers, activists, and workers who were associated with various cadres of CPP, like Progressive Writer Association (PWA), Pakistan Trade Union Federation (PTUF), Kisan Committee (KC), etc., were also accommodated in NAP.
Afridi, as mentioned in the introductory section, had been convinced by the progressive and leftist thoughts during his studies at Peshawar. According to his interview, he started political work first in PTUF as well as in KC, which were associated as formal cadres of NAP till 1968. However, in July 1968, it was decided through a resolution that a member of KC and PTUF were not allowed to become member of NAP. By restricting them to be either member of NAP or KC, Muhammad Afzal Bangash, Syed Sher Ali Bacha, Ahmad Khan Kaka, and several other members of KC decided to form their own political party and thus Mazdoor Kisan Party came into existence. By the time of split, Latif Lala was working as organizer of NAP and had managed numerous gatherings in Swat, Dir, Malakand, Mardan, Charsadda, Nowshera, Swabi, and Hazara (Khan, 1968) .
When Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo first arrived in Pakhtunkhwa in 1984, he was astonished to see an amazing celebration for greeting him in Peshawar and various other regions, including in Dir, Swat, and Malakand, which was organized by Latif Lala. Later on, Bizenjo, Bangash, and Wali Khan merged their respective faction to found ANP in 1986, with Latif Lala as Provincial President.
Being a progressive activist and inclination towards leftist programs, it was becoming unbearable for both Latif Lala and senior leadership of ANP to live on the same page. Thus, he was issued an explanation and subsequently, his membership was terminated on August 23, 2019, on account of failure to the show-cause notice. Other prominent member was also expelled from the party, along with Bushra Bibi in a much similar fashion, when some senior members like Syed Sher Ali Bacha, Mohammad Afzal Bangash, Muhammad Khan Kaka, etc. were expelled from NAP in 1968 because their active participation in KC at that time. In an interview with this researcher, he said that Begum Nasim Wali Khan, was one of the causes of his disagreements with the leadership of ANP. The dictatorial whims of Begum Nasim, as Latif Lala recalled his interview, was responsible for his disagreement with ANP and he had expressed this view in a meeting attended by Haji Ghulam Ahmad Bilour, MPA Khushdil Khan Advocate, and other senior leadership in 2020, afterward Asfandyar Wali Khan restored his primary membership. (Report, 2020)
Based on foregoing remarks, it is evident that MKP has been established because of NAP 'split in 1968 and historically Latif Lala was a progressive activist more inclined toward peasant politics and its egalitarian programs. Thus, right after split from NAP, the Hashtnagar Kisan Tehreek (Hashtnagar Peasant's uprising) erupted under the newly established MKP in July 1970. The times and conditions on the eve of this peasant uprising is best described by Said-ul-Abrar Ghar, and Master Sultan Khalakyar in their poetry. The following couplets from the book "Da Weenay Rang" (The color of blood), is reproduced with translation;
"The color of blood on a white shroud seems like Hina
Emerging dawn from that east seems like tomorrow The Blood of martyrs of Chicago is visible in this It is red with the blood of workers, and it is the flag of peasants" (Khalakyar, 1974)
Comrade Abdul Sattar, Syed Sher Ali Bacha, Afzal Bangash, and Latif Lala were among the leading figures who had successfully mobilized peasants and workers. It is therefore necessary to discuss Hashtnagar Peasant's uprising with specific reference to the role of Latif Lala in organizing gatherings of workers and peasants where he would deliver lectures on land rights and legal provision in the court of law. (Afridi, 2021) HASHTNAGAR PEASANT'S UPRISING OF 1970s
Hashtnagar is Persian word with two root parts i.e., Hasht (Eight) and Nagar (village) which was used for eight villages of Tehsil Charsadda in District Peshawar during British rule before the creation of Pakistan. It included Utmanzai, Tarangzai, Umarzai, Tangi, Sherpao, Mandani, and Hari Chand which adjoining District Malakand and Mohamad Districts of present-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. The map given below indicates the importance of the lush green lands of this region. The river Swat (Munda Headworks) dissects Hashtnagar valley into two halves; North and South Hashtnagar. The earlier Peasant Movement of 1940s in this region was lead by Comrade Ziarat Gul on the direction of Sajjad Zaheer, the first Secretary General of CPP in 1948. This movement also drew upon much on the earlier peasant's uprisings of Ghala Dher in 1937 and Mufti Abad 1939. The Khudai Khidmatgar Tehreek (KKT) led by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, throughout 1930s and 40s also influenced the agrarian tensions in many ways (Branch, 1952).
In fact, the former is a foundational structure and enabling ground for the later, but however, it is also an evident facet, carried in leading sources of relevant literature, that peasants, waged farmers, field labors, working class in different sectors, petty landowners, and its associated organizations, societies and communities, have had their full trust on the leadership of Khudai Khidmatgar movement, which was affiliated with All India National congress and in times of critical situations, have rendered their active support and mobilization. This support and tilt of working class and its various organizations, which represent a wide range of diverse segments and classes, is seen as historically, an integral part of popular support for AINC, elsewhere in pre-partition India. The most remarkable point of worth explanation and discussion that AINC, had never took side of these peasants and working class in any moment of trouble very similar to the practices of Khudai Khidmatgar movement, and later on NAP of Pakistan. (N. Ali, 2019) Ghala Dher Kisan movement of 1938 and agitation of Mufti Abad peasants have laid the foundation of a movement of peasants and working classes which had received the support of Socialist and communists' organizations and left leaning religious and political leaders. Though, it has not reached its fundamental success and goals, but have produced a significant impact, by projecting left leaning politics as noble cause, necessary for combating colonialism and its elite and landed class of imperialist. Further, it gave birth to class struggle with its own poetry and progressive associations and societies of leftist ideologies of social justice and public equality.
Soon after partition of India and independence of Pakistan, Kisan movement erupted to take its start in 1948, from Hushtnagar polity of residents as a pivotal place for frontline activism and uprising, had spread fast in adjacent localities of Peshawar, Malakand, Hazara and inhabitants of Tribal belt. The fundamental impetus or the prime motive of such mass mobilization, as documented in its literature is portrayed as against capitalist designs of state-owned structures of institutional oppression and exploitation, dominated by circles of civil-military bureaucrats of notorious recognition and elites of landed and property class, all of them owes its history of legacy as loyal and faithful servants of British imperial rule and conformist agents of Colonialization. The dismissal of Dr. Khan
Sahib ministry, followed by cracked down on Khudai Khitmatgars by brutally killing and arrests, has set the condition for alarming circumstances of chaos and unrest among public at large. The situation further deteriorated when Muslim League was left to form its government despite its electoral defeat in 1946 Elections. (Habib ullah Nawab, 2019) Second phase of Kisan movement begun from North-Hushtnagar in 1960s and reached to its peak in 1970s with occupation of around 200 square kilometers, agriculture land by peasants, farmers, and field labors, who draw motivation from Marxist-Leninist ideology of social justice and equalities. The landed elites with the assistance of state formed Itehad Party, for the purpose of making strategies and planning to target and crush the main leaders of Kisan movements as well as to create rifts and differences among its ranks and segments of its united activism (Bangash, 1972). On May 01, 1971, with the request of Itehad party, government decided to use military action as first option and moved more than thousands of Frontier constabulary and policemen, to teach them lesson. Security operation, continued till evening with heavy numbers of causalities and injuries including children and women (F. Ahmad, 2009). Peasants and Kisan workers, with limited weapons and warfare resources, withheld to successfully oppose state aggression that consequently led to retreat of security forces by accepting moral defeat. Itehad party and its agents, un-successful to have eviction through security forces were now trying to utilize a strategy to create internal rifts and differences between field labors and Kisan, between small farmers and sharecroppers and between petty landowners and his lease paying peasants. This strategy has already worked for them a couple of years earlier, when misunderstandings created between central leadership of NAP and Kisan committee working inside NAP as its affiliated organization, which lead to dismemberment of NAP and came into existence of Mazdoor Kisan Party on May 1968 (Kallu, 1970). Before this, NAP was the party which has its units and party organization in all parts of East and West Pakistan. The split of Kisan committee from NAP has resulted NAP to lose its Sindhi-Baluchi-Pakhtun front which was created to unite provincial Kisan committees, peasants, and workers of different classes under the banner of NAP. Thus, NAP get reduced to a status of provincial Party, having attachment with nationalist orientation of Pakhtun ethnic identity. Similarly, the Central Kisan Committee, get divided into its segments in other Provinces, to register as Mazdoor Kisan-NAP, while in Pakhtunkhwa province, it preferred to register as Mazdoor Kisan Party MKP. MKP was divided into fictions of Sher Ali Bacha and Afzal Bangash which lately get splinted groups with various names like Communist Mazdoor Kisan Party Pakhtunkhwa Mazdoor Kisan Party. Yet another, face of leftist and working class, get its manifestation in the establishment Pakhtunkhwa Mili Awami Party with Sher Ali Bacha with its General Secretary. (Muhammad Niaz, 2009)
HIS ROLE PEASANT'S MOVEMENT AND TRADE UNION
In an interview with the researcher Mr. Afridi said that in early 1968 the Peasants uprisings begun, and he played a significant part in it. There were Unions of kissans who participated in the conflict of Nasafai3 where many kissans perished. Mr. Afridi traveled to village Nisaar Kalay to offer prayers for the deceased and gather information. He attended court during the day to handle cases, and at night he arranged meetings with peasants.
He spent several nights in Charsadda, Nowshera to organize the peasants and also delivered lectures followed by question-answer sessions. It is a noted fact that compared to the worker of industrial sector, peasants faced greater difficulties and their lives were more miserable. Consequently, these peasants stood up as they were increasingly hostile
3 Nasafai is a place in North-Hashtnagar, where the May 1970 peasant war took place. Many peasants were killed and injured during this war. For details see, (Ahmed, 1986) (Ghar, 1973)
towards the landowners. They were prepared to engage in a militant struggle against these Khans (landlords) of Hashtnagar region. They also robbed landlords to snatch their firearms and property (Ishaq, 1972). These peasant uprisings were spread to the adjacent areas of the Malakand, Charsadda, and Mardan. Furthermore, Afzal Bangash and Afridi arranged meetings in Malakand, Swat, and Dir to orchestrate a long march in 1970 for supporting this class struggle. According to Afridi's interview with the researcher, around 35,000 participants with more than 2000 buses participated in this long march, which was ended at Chowk Yadgaar, Peshawar. Afridi addresses the gathering along with Afzal Bangash which moved the audience. At the end, the audience (members of long March) were directed to spread it to Hazara, Kohat, Banu and south region of NWFP (present day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) (Hum Pashto, 2021).
Afridi, in a bid to educate the peasants class, used every method and technique because he was known lawyer. Throughout his campaign, he provided free legal assistance to hundreds of peasants. He became an affective voice of numerous peasants who were put in jails for participating in peasant struggle. Many of them were acquitted and were released from jails as their cases were appropriately fought by Afridi in the courts. In one of his interviews, he stated that the landed elites owned the state, so they utilized their position of authority to repress the peasants and lower-class citizens. Therefore, many peasants actively joined the Peasant struggle, which led to police seeing them and khans that they would be detained right away or under duress. However, a lot of other peasants were innocent, but the authorities have detained them anyhow to silence them. Afridi took up their cases at no charge and he traveled to Malakand, Swat, Haripur, and Peshawar to represent them in court.
According to Afridi in an interview, he along with Lala Ziarat Gul, Lala Abdul Sattar Khan, Syed Sher Ali Bacha, and Afzal Bangash would use to motivate college and university students. However, in those days socialist block was divided into two camps; pro-Moscow, and pro-Pecking. Ajmal Khattak, Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Ahmad Salim sided with the Pro-Russian side, while Bangash, Syed Sher Ali Bacha, Ziarat Gul sided with the Pro-Chinese. Afridi was a student at the time; therefore, he was impartial and was in favor of both the pro-Chinese and pro-Russian camps. He respected Bangash and Khattak equally. Meanwhile at that time Bangash adopted catchy phrases from the Vietnamese and Chinese movements which had an impact on Afridi. On the other hand, Mr. Khattak was an influential member of NAP and was known in Peshawar for his rigorous writing a Pashtu-language Newspaper Kachkool (alms 'bowl).
In a military takeover Gen. Zia-ul-Haq dismissed Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and overthrown his government. Gen. Zia was a backward-thinking obscurantist who rallied support by promoting Islamization drive in Pakistan, by supporting religious right to stay in power. Due to his dictatorial cruelties, Bangash and other leftists departed for Kabul and some of them traveled to Moscow. It was Afridi who served as a legal advisor for peasants and landless workers. He handled very carefully this situation by providing legal, moral, and political support to oppressed and progressive individuals. (Afridi, 2021) Afridi had also organized workers of Industries in Trade Unions in District Peshawar, and its Tehsils, (Charsadda, Mardan, Swabi, Nowshera), and other parts of NWFP like, Kohat, and Hazara division. unions. Owner of the Mardan Industry, Mir Afzal Khan had strictly forbidden their labors from belonging to a Trade or Labor Union. However, Afridi and his comrades were able to effectively approach the workers of industrial sector and got them into the Labor Unions by successfully demanding their due rights. Mir Afzal Khan tried to buy loyalties of workers to his side and his General Manager contacted Afridi with generous financial offer. However, Afridi declined this offer and continued to work for the labor rights of Mardan industry.
By these efforts he was successful to form Unions for these workers, and he registered these Unions with Labor and Trade Unions, after formal completion of their memberships.
These Labor Unions, organized and headed by Afridi, were further encouraged to get political trainings before taking part the progressive politics. Most of the workers and activist of MKP were drawn from these Labor and Trade Unions alongside peasant organizations. Being a General Secretary (GS) of the Labor and Trade Union, he addressed issues involving workers from Kohat's Janana Textile Mills, Charsadda Sugar Mill, Charsadda Paper Mill, Nowshera Aram Jee Paper Mill, Jehangira Textile Mill, and Swat Textile Mill (Afridi, 2022).
HIS PROFESSIONAL CAREER AND STRUGGLE Afridi was also practicing at Peshawar and recognized as successful lawyer in July 1969. In 1972, he was elected as General Secretary of the Peshawar High Court Bar Association PHCBA. Since then, Afridi has been elected Seven times to lead the PHCBA. The second time was in 1986, the third time in 1995, the fourth in 2007, the fifth in 2008, the sixth in 2012, and the seventh in 2019. Additionally, Afridi was elected in 2020-21 to serve as President of Supreme Court Bar Association. (Geo News, 2020)
The details of elections results indicate that Afridi received 1236 votes' total, whereas Sattar Khan only received 968 votes (Geo News, 2020). In Punjab, Afridi received 651 votes as opposed to his opponent's 508 votes. According to a local attorney, Sangeen Khan, Afridi got 546 votes in Lahore against Sattar Khan's 377. The winner in Multan received 69 votes, while Sattar received 93. Afridi received 36 votes at Bahawalpur compared to Mr. Sattar's 39. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Afridi received 106 votes while his opponent received 94. Afridi got 70 votes from Peshawar, while Sattar received 72. Afridi received 26 votes in Abbottabad, while Sattar received just 11. Afridi received ten votes in Dera Ismail Khan, while Sattar received 11. (S. W. Ahmad, 2020). Afridi was polled 189 votes in Sindh compared to Mr. Sattar's 142. Mr. Afridi scored 142 from Karachi, while his adversary scored 118. In Hyderabad, Afridi received 32 votes compared to his rival's nine. He received 15 votes in Sukkur, compared to Sattar's 14 votes. Afridi earned 64 votes in Quetta, while his opponent received 53. Afridi received 226 votes from the Federal capital, while Sattar received 171 votes. According to senator Afrasiab Khattak, Afridi had joined Asma Jehangir Group's in election while contesting for President of the Supreme Court Bar Association and his success was jubilated by all progressive and democracy-loving lawyers (Urdu, 2020).
While representing at High Court, he took great interests in solving issues laborers, poor peasants, and progressive political figures and provided all kinds of legal assistance. During Zia Military rule, he represented and fought cases of political activists and peasants who were imprisoned on account of their involvement in political activities. For example, activists and members of PPP, MKP, ANP, and Trade Union were detained, who were supported legal assistance by Afridi, and they were released. With 52 years of legal practice, Afridi handled several matters for political figures without charging them for any fee. Captain (R) Muhammad Safdar Awan, husband of Maryam Nawaz Shareef of PML is an example of it. Wali Khan, Afrasiyab Khattak of ANP, and Qazi Hussain Ahmed of JI were also assisted in various cases at Hight Court (Afridi, 2021) Afridi reportedly started a petition-signaling drive within Peshawar's legal community (Deputy Inspector General of Police, 1971).
In 1997, Mr. Afridi won the election for Member of the National Assembly from NA-46 as an independent candidate. He said in an interview that it was a poor experience since independent MPs have less opportunity to advocate the interests of their constituencies than party representatives in the National Assembly. HIS ROLE IN PAKISTAN LAWYER'S MOVEMENT
Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary was appointed Chief Justice of Pakistan's Supreme Court in 2005 during the military regime of Gen. Pervez Musharraf. Justice Chaudhary was removed from his office by Gen. Musharraf on March 6, 2007(Sher, 2021). The suspension
was criticized by lawyers, opposition groups, human rights advocates, and several judges. There were protests all around Pakistan, but because attorneys were so involved, the protests became known as the Lawyer's Movement or Black Coat Protest. The attorneys established a formal movement called Adliya Bachao Tehreek (Save the Judiciary Movement). To reinstate Chaudhary as Chief Justice and reestablish Pakistan's judicial independence, some 80,000 attorneys united across conventional party lines in the country. (Ref, 2008)
Due to his position as President of the High Court of Peshawar in 2007 and 2008, Afridi played a crucial role in restoration movement of Justice Chaudhry. He so enthusiastically joined this campaign and backed the lawyer's position. Lawyers and political party members showed up on the roadways at the Attock location for Mr. Chaudhary after Afridi invited him to Peshawar. Due to the many people on the road providing assistance, he arrived in Peshawar so late; as a result, Mr. Afridi was imprisoned in his house for one month. On October 6, 2007, "Mr. Afridi was struck by an armored car while participating in a demonstration against military ruler General Pervez Musharraf". (Hum Pashto, 2021) The lawyer's campaign for an independent judiciary was backed by the PML-N, PPP, ANP, PTI, trade unions, labor unions, the media, and several other groups. Afridi attended political galas in Punjab and KP. The goal of the campaign was to depose Pervez Musharraf since it was impossible for one individual to hold both the office of President and Chief of Army With the manifesto of the attack on the media and judiciary, the seminar in Islamabad was conducted. Afrasiyab Khattak, Itezaz Ahsan, Raza Rabbani, and Farhat-u-llah were among the political party leaders and activists who attended this conference. During the Lawyer's Movement, Mr. Afridi gave lectures at the High Court. A lawyer's campaign put Musharraf under pressure to step down, and Mr. Chaudhary was reinstated as Chief Justice. Despite being the President of the Peshawar High Court at the time of this movement, Mr. Afridi was imprisoned in his home for over a month. The Bar and Army relationship is still troubled, however, since attorneys favor the rule of law at the expense of the armed services and see the constitution as a mere piece of paper. (Afridi, 2022)
Afridi, a former SCBA president, has argued that the court should keep out of politics and focus on upholding the constitution. After addressing the Lahore High Court Bar Association, Afridi had held a news conference where he said that Justice Qazi Faez Isa was well-known for being an independent and upstanding judge and that his honesty was unquestionable. He also demanded accountability and merit in the selection of justices for the Supreme Court. He said it should be avoided to award certificates of "traitors" to politicians. He said that cooperation among all democratic forces was essential to advancing human rights and guiding the nation out of challenging times.(Staff Reporter, 2020)
Mr. Afridi was assassinated on January 16, 2023, inside the court room of Peshawar High Court. The Gunman (Adnan Sami Afridi) was arrested on the spot by police who raised his hands after shooting Afridi.
CONCLUSION
It is concluded from the historical account of Afridi that he had spent tough life from childhood to his early education. Due to hardships in post-colonial Pakistan, he was inspired by Marxist thought in his young age during his studies. He was quite successful in organizing Trade and Labor Unions in NWFP (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) as well as mobilizing peasants and working class to participate in the activities of MKP. The entire life of Afridi has been marked by social, political, and professional battles that have shaped his personality and social behavior, which had a long-lasting impact on rural economy of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
RUSSIAN LAW JOURNAL Volume XI (2023) Issue 2
Afridi played a leading role in two significant movements; The Peasant's Movement and the Lawyer's Movement. It is important to note that both movements were progressive in nature and had positive impacts on the development of democracy in Pakistan. Without his active role, organization of peasants, workers, and labor class in national development was not possible.
In more than five decades of professional life, he contributed to various shades of life and had worked with key nationalist and leftist politicians, like, Muhammad Afzal Bangash, Syed Sher Ali Bacha, Ajmal Khattak, Gaus Bux Bizenjo, Abdul Wali Khan, Haji Ghulam Ahmed Bilour, etc. He had always opposed divide among the left-wing leaders of Peasants movement and NAP and labeled it dangerous for the progressive politics. Like many pro-Chinses politicians of leftist political parties, he favored Maoist ideology and always stood with MKP.
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