CC BY
50
ЭО!: 10.31862/2500-2953-2019-2-77-99 Я.Г. Тестелец
Российский государственный гуманитарный университет, 125993 г. Москва, Российская Федерация; Институт языкознания Российской Академии наук, 125009 г. Москва, Российская Федерация
Язык для книги рекордов Гиннесса: пятнадцать (или больше?) рефлексивных местоимений в хваршинском языке
В статье описана беспрецедентно богатая система из простых (однословных), двойных и тройных рефлексивных местоимений в хваршинском языке, относящемся к восточнокавказской (или нахско-дагестанской) языковой семье. Местоимения образуются на основе прономинала, иногда с добавлением частицы-интенсификатора. Рефлексивные местоимения мало отличаются по дистрибуции: они все локальны и не имеют выраженной ориентации, мотивированной синтаксическими асимметриями.
Ключевые слова: восточнокавказские языки, рефлексивные местоимения, анафоры, рефлексивность, область связывания, субъектная ориентация, типология анафоры.
Благодарности: Я благодарю своих информантов Аминат Гирайханову, Шихсаида Шихсаидова, Заграт Шихсаидову, Рисалат, Аминат, Мадину и Жаврият Хизриевых и др. Я благодарю Заиру Халилову за помощь в проверке некоторых данных, использованных в статье. Моя особая признательность Ивану Капитонову за ценные замечания к первому варианту статьи; все недочеты и ошибки принадлежат автору.
Работа была поддержана Российским Фондом фундаментальных исследований, грант 17-04-00581 «Хваршинский язык: грамматика, тексты, базовый словарь».
ССЫЛКА НА СТАТЬЮ: Тестелец Я.Г. Язык для книги рекордов Гиннесса: пятнадцать (или больше?) рефлексивных местоимений в хваршинском языке // Рема. Rhema. 2019. № 2. С. 77-99. DOI: 10.31862/2500-2953-2019-2-77-99.
DOI: 10.31862/2500-2953-2019-2-77-99 Ya.G. Testelets
Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow, 125993, Russian Federation; Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, 125009, Russian Federation
A language for Guinness World Records: Fifteen (or more?) reflexive pronouns in Khwarshi
The paper outlines the unprecedentedly rich system of simple (one-word), double and triple reflexive pronouns in the Khwarshi language of the East Caucasian (or Nakh-Dagestanian) language family. The pronouns are formed on the base of a pronominal stem, sometimes with the intensifier particle. The reflexive pronouns show little difference in their distribution: they are all local and apparently lack orientation motivated by syntactic asymmetries.
Key words: East Caucasian languages, reflexive pronouns, anaphors, reflexivity, binding domain, subject orientation, typology of anaphora
Acknowledgments: I thank my informants Aminat Giraykhanova, Shikhsaid Shikhsaidov, Zagrat Shikhsaidova, Risalat, Aminat, Madina and Zhawriyat Khizriyevas, and others. I thank Zaira Khalilova for her help in checking some of the data presented below. My special thanks are to Ivan Kapitonov for his valuable comments to the paper's draft; all mistakes and shortcomings are mine own.
The work was supported by the Russian Foundation for Fundamental Research, grant 17-04-00581 "The Khwarshi Language: Grammar, Texts, Basic Vocabulary".
CITATION: Testelets Ya.G. A language for Guinness World Records: Fifteen
(or more?) reflexive pronouns in Khwarshi. Rhema. 2019. № 2. Pp. 77-99.
DOI: 10.31862/2500-2953-2019-2-77-99.
f5 1. Introduction. Elements of which reflexives are made up
u
2 The Khwarshi language, together with Tsez and Ginukh (otherwise
i spelled as Hinukh or Hinuq), belongs to the western branch of the Tsezic
1 group of the East Caucasian, or Nakh-Dagestanian, family. It is spoken by approximately 8000 persons in the valley of Khwarshi river, a right tribute
of Andi Koysu, North Dagestan highlands, and in some villages in the lowland part of North Dagestan. The data are from the author's fieldwork in Khonokh (Tsumada district) in 2016-2018 and in Mutsalaul (Khasavyurt district) in 2016-2017 in the Republic of Dagestan, Russian Federation.
There is no simplex free monomorphemic reflexive pronoun1 in Khwarshi. There is no morphological verbal reflexive either. Unlike some other languages of the Tsezic group, in which a verbal reflexive derivation of restricted productivity is found [cf. e.g. Polinsky, Comrie, 1999, p. 324; Polinsky, 2015 on the phenomenon in Tsez], there is none in Khwarshi -same as in Ginukh, another West Tsezic language [Forker, 2013, p. 665]. To express the meaning of the inherent, or natural reflexive, verbs (the term cf. in [Kemmer, 1993, p. 58], Khwarshi employs either cognate noun objects (1), or A-labile verbs (2), with the intended reflexive meaning unmarked (2b); all examples below, if it is not specified otherwise, are elicited:
(1) zikwa silu sila-ha man.ERG2 clothes.ABS clothe-PRS 'The man clothes himself.'
(2) a. zikwa masina esan-ho
man.ERG car.ABS wash-PRS 'The man washes the car.' b. zikwa esan-ho
man.ABS wash-PRS 'The man washes himself.'
However, there is a huge compensation for the lack of both: no less than 15 complex reflexive pronouns, apparently with very little distributional difference.
The goal of this paper is to demonstrate the fact rather than to suggest a comprehensive analysis within a framework of one of the current theories of anaphora. For the latter task, the data are still incomplete. They include elicited sentences and a small Khwarshi corpus - several texts in the Khwarshi dialect in [Karimova, 2014].
1 The simplex long-distance reflexive pronoun in the languages of the Tsezic group probably originating from Proto-Tsezic *zu (Tsez zo-tew, Ginukh zo, Gunzib zu, Bezhta zu) has become in Khwarshi a 3rd person personal pronoun zu (singular) and zidu (plural), maybe with a contamination of the distal demonstrative pronoun stem -zu <*-gu (cf. Ginukh and Bezhta -go distal pronominal stem; for the regular phonological correspondence see e.g. Bezhta
og - Inkhokwari dialect og - Khwarshi proper uz 'axe'), since the demonstratives in the East ¡3
Caucasian languages are sometimes the source for 3 person personal pronouns. m
2 Abbreviations: DAT - dative case; ERG - ergative case; gen1, gen2 - genitive 1, 2 case; ^ GNR - general tense; I, II, III, iv - I, II, III, IV class singular; IMP - Imperative ; INF - infinitive; ^ ints - intensifier; LAT - lative; Loc - locative case; NEG - negation; OBL - oblique stem; PL -plural; PRF - perfect; PRS - participle; PST - past; SG - singular.
The main typological characteristics of Khwarshi are as follows. Khwarshi is a SOV language with free order of constituents both at the clause and at the phrase level. It has a consistent ergative/absolutive system of alignment in case marking and argument-verb agreement. In the ergative construction, the subject of a transitive verb is marked with Ergative (3), the direct object (3) and the subject of an intransitive verb (4) with Absolutive:
(3) obu-ti uza txek-ko father-ERG boy.ABS I.lead-PRs 'Father is bringing the boy here.'
(4) obu haltida-ha gote father.ABS work-PRS aux.prs 'Father is working.'
Intransitive verbs employ the absolutive construction. They need not be monovalent and may take an indirect object marked with one of the numerous locative case forms:
(5) obu uza-qo-l gica-na gote father.ABS boy-AD-LAT look-PRF aux.prs 'Father is looking at the boy.'
With verbs denoting emotional or perceptive experience, the affective construction is used, in which the subject experiencer is marked with Dative, and the object stimulus is in Absolutive (6):
(6) o-w-si zikwa-l uza ajk-a that-OBL man-DAT boy.ABS I.see-PST 'That man saw the boy.'
The class (gender) and number agreement occurs in many (not all) verbs and adjectives and some pronouns and adverbs and is triggered by the NP in Absolutive only:
(7) a. di-l 0-akwa-ha 0-agu xirija-w hamaKe
I-dat I-see-PRS I-good dear-I friend.ABS (I class sg) 'I see a good dear (male) friend.'
b. di-l b-akwa-ha b-agu-ta xirija-b-ta I-dat PL.HUM-see-PRs PL.HUM-good-PL dear- pl.hum-pl hamaKe-ba
friend-PL.ABs (I class pl) 'I see good dear friends.'
c. di-l j-akwa-ha j-agu xirija-j hamaKe
I-dat II-see-PRs Il-good dear-II friend.ABs (II class sg) 'I see a good dear (female) friend.'
(7) d. di-l b-akwa-ha i-dat III-see-PRs 'I see a good cat.'
The position of the class/number agreement marker is normally prefixal, except the adjectives borrowed from Avar which retain their suffixal agreement slot (xirija- 'dear' in 7a-c), and some adverbs and pronouns.
The class/number prefixes (infrequent affixes aside) are as represented in Table 1.
Table 1
b-agu kitu
III-good cat.ABS (III class so)
Singular Plural
Class I (men) 0- b- (m- with a nasalized stem)
Class II (women) j-
Class III (nonhuman animate, inanimate) b- (m- with a nasalized stem) l- (n- with a nasalized stem)
Class IV (nonhuman) l- (n- with a nasalized stem)
Class V (nonhuman) j-
There are two Genitives in Khwarshi, traditionally called Genitive 1 in -s and Genitive 2 in -lo; the former marks a nominal modifier of a noun in the direct (Absolutive) case, the latter a nominal modifier of a noun in an oblique (any other than Absolutive) case:
(8) a. dada-s masina
father-GENl car.ABs 'Father's car'
b. dada-lo masina-ma
father-GEN2 car-LOC 'in Father's car'
The intensifying particle -c (-ec after consonants), below called Intensifier, is more or less identical in function with the English -sel/"intensifier pronouns:
(9) di-l-ec idu b-akw-aj |
I-DAT-INTS it.ABs III-see-PsT.NEG s
m
'I didn't see it myself.' if
3 person pronouns differ from demonstratives in that only the former, f but not the latter can be long-distance-bound by superordinate subjects, 81
in accordance with the (maybe universal) principle that demonstratives may be used anaphorically, but obey Principle C, cf. in English
(10) The flowers are too expensive for me to buy them (* these).
The difference between the pronominals and the demonstratives is shown in the paradigm (12) below, the dative forms of four pronouns and their class membership are given in (11), cf. also [Sarafutdinova, Levina, 1961, p. 109]:
(11)
Absolutive (unmarked case): Dative:
in (12a) zu isu-l
in (12b) idu idisu-l
in (12c) o-w-zu o-w-su-l
in (12d) a-w-du a-w-di-su-l
Translation: Category: Binding Principle
in (12a) '(s)he, it' pronominal B
in (12b) '(s)he, it' pronominal B
in (12c) 'that' distal demonstrative C
in (12d) 'this' proximate demonstrative C
. uza-l l-iqe de isu-l kumak b-uho-sa
boy-DAT IV-know.GNR I.ERG he-DAT help.ABS III-do-PRT
'The boyi knows that I will help himi/.'
i. uza-l l-iqe de idisu-l kumak b-uho-sa
boy-DAT IV-know.GNR I.ERG he-DAT help.ABS III-do-PRT
'The boyi knows that I will help himi/.'
c. uza-l l-iqe de o-w-su-l kumak b-uho-sa boy-DAT IV-know.GNR I.erg that<I>-DAT help.ABS III-do-PRT 'The boyi knows that I will help that (person)^.'
d. uza-l l-iq e de a-w-di-su-l kumak b-uho-sa boy-DAT IV-know.GNR I.erg this<I>-DAT help.ABS III-do-PRT 'The boyi knows that I will help this (person)^.'
As can be seen from (12), 3 person pronouns (pronominals) can take longdistance subject antecedents whereas demonstratives cannot.
Locutor pronouns are pronominals:
(13) *di-l da akw-aj
I-DAT I.ABS I.see-PST.NEG literally: '*I didn't see me.'
Building blocks for the reflexive constructions are provided mostly by the pronominal zu. Its inflectional forms are given in (14). As is often with pronouns, there are irregularities in declension:
(14) Singular: Plural:
Absolutive zu zidu
I class (male human) other
Ergative isi Hi zid-i
Genitive 1 isa iti-s zid-a
Genitive 2 isu-lo iti-lo zil-lo
Dative isu-l iti-l zidu-l
Locative I 'on' isu-lo iti-lo zidu-lo
Locative II 'at' isu-qo iti-qo zidu-qo
Locutor pronouns also occur as parts of reflexives. A fragment of their
inflectional paradigm cf. in (15):
(15) 'I' 'you (sg)' 'we' 'you (PL)'
Absolutive da ma ila miza
Ergative de mi ili mizi
Genitive 1 dija deba ila miza
Genitive 2 di-lo deb-lo il-lo mil-lo
Dative di-l debe-l ilu-l mizu-l
Locative I 'on' di-lo deb-lo ilu-lo mizu-lo
Locative II 'at' di-qo deb-qo ilu-qo mizu-qo
Now we turn to the list of reflexive constructions in Khwarshi. All of them are complex, i.e. consist of at least two elements.
2. A list of recorded constructions
The following survey of reflexive constructions, or rather complex pronouns, in Khwarshi, begins with the two pronouns that show the simplest of all, although not simplex, or monomorphemic, structure.
2.1. One pronominal stem: A Pronominal + Intensifier
The simplest reflexive construction in Khwarshi is one of the two apparently synonymous 3 person pronominals, zu or idu, provided with an intensifier clitic (16)-(17) which therefore performs the structural function of "protecting the variable" turning a non-reflexive construction into a reflexive one [Reuland, 2001]:
(16) a.
ow-si that-OBL
zikwa man.ERG
'That man killed him^.'
ow-si zikwa
that-OBL man.ERG 'That man killed himself.'
zu
he.ABS zu-c
he.ABS-iNTs
iha-x-xa
die-CAus-PST
iha-x-xa
die-CAus-PST
(17) a. ow-si
that-OBL
zikwa man.ERG
'That man killed him..'
b. ow-si that-oBL
j
zikwa man.ERG
idu
he.ABS idu-c
he.ABS-iNTs
iha-x-xa
die-CAus-PSt
iha-x-xa
die-CAus-PSt
'That, man killed himself.'
Therefore zu-c and idu-c are the first two reflexive pronouns in my list.
The same structure of reflexive pronouns is attested in the closely related Tsez language [Imnajsvili, 1963, p. 123]: zo 'he, she, it' + tew intensifying particle ^ zotew 'self'.
Demonstratives with the Intensifier clitic are no reflexives; the intensifying meaning of the clitic is tentatively translated below with English same:
(18) a. o-w-si zikwa o-w-zu-c iha-x-xa
that-I-OBL man.ERG that (person)<I>.ABS-iNTS die-CAus-PST 'That man killed that same person.'
b. o-w-si zikwa a-w-du-c iha-x-xa
that-I-OBL man.ERG this (person)<I>.ABS-iNTs die-CAus-PST 'That man killed this same person.'
Both reflexives of this type can be employed with intransitive (19) verbs, and with the affective verbs denoting experiences that require the subject-experiencer be in Dative and the object-stimulus in Absolutive (20):
(19) o-w-zu zikwa isu-qol-ec mutu-lejza gicc-a that-I-ABs man.ABs he-Loc-iNTs mirror-Loc look-PsT 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(20) o-w-si zikwa-l zu-c mutu-lejza ajk-a that-OBL man-DAT he.ABS-iNTs mirror-LOC I.see-PST 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
Reflexives 1 (zu-c) and 2 (idu-c) can only be local, and seem to share that characteristic with all other more syntactically complex Khwarshi reflexives, for more evidence see below. This means that, in Khwarshi, there is no observable correlation between the complexity of a reflexive and its (in) ability of a long-distance use, well attested crosslinguistically [cf. Reinhart, Reuland, 1993; Buring, 2005, p. 72] and in other East Caucasian languages [Testelec, Toldova, 1998]:
(21) aminat-el quca-na patimat-el zu-c//idu-c mutu-lejza j-akw-a Aminat-DAT want-PRF Patimat-DAT she.ABS-iNTS mirror-LOC II-see-iNF 'Aminati wants Patimat to see herself (herSj/*k) in the mirror.'
With demonstratives, neither the local, nor the superordinate subject can be the antecedent (in accordance with Principle C):
(22) a. aminat-el q uca-na patimat-el o-j-ezu-c
Aminat-DAT want-PRF Patimat-DAT that(person)<II>.ABS-iNTS mutu-lejza j-akw-a mirror-LOC II-see-iNF
'Aminat wants Patimat to see that same personk in the mirror.'
b. aminat-el quca-na patimat-el a-j-du-c
Aminat-DAT want-PRF Patimat-DAT his(person)<II>.ABs-iNTs mutu-lejza j-akw-a mirror-Loc II-see-iNF
'Aminat wants Patimat to see this same personk in the mirror.'
Reflexives of this type can produce the bound variable interpretation (sloppy identity), although strict coreference reading is also available; in this characteristic, too, they seem not to differ from all the other types of reflexive pronouns:
(23) kad ili-qol-ec mutu-lejza gicc-a, ili-s es-na
girl.ABS she-LOC-iNTS mirror-LOC look-PST she-GENl sister.ABS-and 'The girl looked at herself in the mirror, and her sister did, too.'
Sloppy identity: 'the sister looked at herself' - OK Strict coreference 'the sister looked at the girl' - OK
It seems likely that no reflexive pronoun must obligatorily be an argument; each element belonging to the list presented in the next section may be e.g. a possessive modifier of a noun:
(24) a. zu isu-lo-c masina-Xo atiq q-a
he.ABS he-GEN2-iNTS car-LOC I.come-PST
'Hei came in hisi car.' b. zu is-i isu-lo masina-Xo atiqq-a
he.ABS he-ERG he-GEN2 car-LOC I.come-PST
'Hei came in hisi car.'
2.2. Double reflexives: Two Pronominal Stems
2.2.1. Ergative («frozen») + Genitive 1 («frozen») ™
In the third reflexive construction, the complex reflexive consists of two ^ pronominals in "frozen" case forms, i.e. not sensitive to syntactic context: m the first one is in Ergative, and the second one in Genitive 1, irrespective both of the case of the antecedent and the case required of the reflexive nominal
itself:
(25) ow-si zikwa is-i is-a iha-x-xa
that-OBL man.ERG he.ERG he.GENl die-CAus-PST 'That man killed himself.'
(26) ow-zu zikwa is-i is-a mutu-lejza gicc-a
that-ABS man.ABS he.ERG he.GENl mirror-LOC look-PST 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(27) oj-li kande-l il-i ili-s mutu-lejza j-ajk-a that-OBL girl-DAT she.ERG she-GENl mirror-LOC II-see-PST 'That girl saw herself in the mirror.'
The reflexive's both parts are "frozen" in case, because it cannot change according to syntactic context. The reflexive can replace a direct object in Absolutive (25), a locative oblique object in (26) and the stimulus object in Absolutive (27).
The reflexive may also be possessive, its second element remaining in the "frozen" Genitive 1, in spite of that Genitive 2 is required in the context:
(28) is-i is-a halti-Xo-l aka-ha uza-n eca-na he-ERG he-GENl Work-Loc-LAT I.go-PRS boy-ADD I-be-PRF 'The young man would go to his work.'
("The Young Daughter-in-law" [Karimova, 2014, p. 306])
Of other Tsezic languages, "frozen" elements of reflexives have been recorded in Tsez.
In one of the two complex reflexives, the first component is invariably in Ergative and the second is in the case required by the syntactic context (government by a verb or a postposition). This complex reflexive is available for all cases other than Ergative; e.g. in (29), the first component is in "frozen" Ergative although there is no element in the clause that might require this case value.
In the second type of complex reflexives, the first component is in the case required by the context, and the second component is invariably in Absolutive, irrespective of the case of the antecedent or of the target case, i.e. that is required of the reflexive pronoun itself (30). The second type is available for all cases other than the Ergative and Absolutive [Polinsky, Comrie, 1999,
| p. 324; Polinsky, 2015].
u
| (29) Tsez:
i madina nel-a nela-qo-r j-ezu-s
Madina.ABS she-ERG she-suPER-LAT II-look-PST 86 'Madina looked at herself.'
(30) Tsez:
dunjal nela-q za setu b-uti-x
world.ABS it-poss it.ABS around III-turn-PRS 'The earth turns around itself.'
In Khwarshi, a reflexive analogous to the Tsez first type is described below in 2.2.7, but no reflexive containing an invariable, or "frozen", Absolutive, has been found.
This type of reflexive is ambiguous with respect to semantic binding:
(31) oj-li kande-l il-i ili-s mutu-lejza that-OBL girl-DAT she.ERG she-GENl mirror-юс jajk-a, ili-lo es-te-l-na
II-see-PST she-GEN2 sister-OBL-and
'That girl saw herself in the mirror, and her sister did, too.'
Sloppy identity: 'the sister saw herself - OK Strict coreference 'the sister the girl' - OK
The reflexive is local:
(32) *di-l quca-na a-j-li kande-l d-e d-ija
I-DAT want-PRF this-II-OBL girl.OBL-DAT I-ERG I-GEN
mutu-lejza akw-a
mirror-юс I.see-iNF
'*I want this girl to see myself in the mirror.'
2.2.2. Pronominal in "frozen"Genitive 1 + Pronominal in the Target Case
(33) ow-si zikwa is-а zu iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he.GENl he.ABS die-CAus-PST 'That man killed himself.'
(34) ow-zu zikwa is-a isu-qol mutu-lejza gicc-a that-ABS man.ABS he.GENl he-LOC mirror-юс look-PST 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(35) ow-si zikwa-l is-a zu mutu-lejza ajk-a that-OBL man-DAT he-GENl he.ABS mirror-юс I.see-PST 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
(36) is-a isu-l huni-ho-l laca-ca-n gil-na, he-GENl he-DAT road-LOC-LAT food-supply-ADD take-CNv
Xiz-a siXuneXu-n gil-na aka-na н
change-iNF clothes-ADD take-CNv I.go-PRF m
'He took with himself a supply of food, clothes and set off 1 (to look for his brother).'
(from "The Sons of a Smith" [Karimova, 20l4, р. 20]) 87
2.2.3. Pronominal in "frozen"Genitive 1 +
+ Pronominal in the Target Case + Intensifier
(37) ow-si zikwa is-a zu-c iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he-GENl he.ABS-iNTS die-CAus-PST 'That man killed himself.'
(38) ow-zu zikwa is-a isu-qol-ec that-ABs man.ABs he-GENl he-Loc-iNTs
'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(39) ow-si zikwa-l is-a zu-c that-OBL man-DAT he-GENl he.ABS-iNTS 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
2.2.4. Pronominal in the case of the Antecedent + + Pronominal in the Target Case + Intensifier
(40) ow-si zikwa is-i zu-c that-OBL man.ERG he.ERG he.ABS-iNTS 'That man killed himself.'
(41) ow-zu zikwa zu isu-qol-ec that-ABS man.ABS he.ABS he-LOC-iNTS 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(42) ow-si zikwa-l isu-l zu-c that-OBL man-DAT he-DAT he.ABS-iNTS 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
mutu-lejza mirror-LOC
mutu-lejza mirror-LOC
gicc-a look-pst
ajk-a I.see-pst
iha-x-xa
die-CAus-PST
mutu-lejza mirror-LOC
mutu-lejza mirror-LOC
gicc-a look-psT
ajk-a I.see-psT
(43) il-i it-i-ho-c idu-n
she-ERG she-OBL-LOC-INTS she.ABS-ADD 'She thought (it)', lit: "was in herself". ("Who Is More Able?" [Karimova, 2014, p. 313])
j-eca-na II-be-PRF
2.2.5. Pronominal in the case of the Antecedent + + Pronominal in the Target Case
This reflexive without the Intensifier clitic is hardly acceptable if the target NP is the direct object:
(44) ?ow-si zikwa is-i zu iha-x-xa
that-OBL man.ERG he.ERG he.ABS die-CAus-PST 'That man killed himself.'
But if the target NP is of a low syntactic status, e.g. a non-core benefactive (45)-(47) or adjunct (48)-(50), the intensifier clitic becomes optional, cf. the following text examples:
(45) uttej-sa m-i debe-l j-ezo red-ATTR you(sG)-ERG you(sg)-DAT V-take.iMP 'The red one you (sg.) take for yourself.'
("The stepdaughter" [Karimova, 2014, p. 158])
(46) m-i debe-l pajda-xajir b-uw-a you(SG)-ERG you(SG)-DAT income-profit.ABS III-do-iNF
eq
I.begin.iMP
'Begin to earn for yourself!'
("The Ashes' Man" [Karimova, 2014, p. 185])
(47) il-i qaba-ma beterhan-es b-eca-na is-i that-OBL jar-LOC master-GEN1 III-be-PRF he-ERG isu-l xiX-a b-uj-a zila
he-DAT drink-iNF III-make-iNF beer.ABS 'In the jar, there was the master's beer that he had made for himself.'
("The Cat and the Mouse" [Karimova, 2014, p. 264])
(48) is-i isu-Kal qaban pohoxek-na lazzat-Xo he-ERG he-LAT pot.ABS draw.near-PRF pleasure-LOC tule-za-l lal l-ac-a eq-na dibir finger-PL-DAT butter.ABS IV-eat-iNF I.begin-PRF mullah.ABS 'The mullah drew the pot nearer to himself and began
to eat the butter pleasurably with his fingers ("Malla Nasreddin's Raven" [Karimova, 2014, p. 171])
(49) has b-uqu balahi d-e di-Xo-l b-ata-ka-bcu
one III-big trouble i-erg i-loc-lat III-come-CAus-NEG
lolqosa-za-Xeru
footwear-PL-because
'In order not to bring myself (literally: "on myself") into a big trouble because of the footwear' ("The High Boots" [Karimova, 2014, p. 178])
(50) is-i isu-Kal tdu hoc-a hukmu b-un-na g he-ERG he-LOC at.home leave-iNF decision III-do-PRF ^ is-i idu keca | he-ERG that.ABS bird.ABS 1 'He decided to leave the bird at his place ("by himself").' * ("The Motherland" [Karimova, 2014, p. 183]) 89
ISSN 2500-2953 _)
2.2.6. Pronominal in the Case of the Antecedent + Intensifier + + Pronominal in the Target Case
(51) ow-si zikwa is-i-c zu that-OBL man.ERG he-ERG-iNTS he.ABS 'That man killed himself.'
(52) ow-zu zikwa zu-c isu-qol that-ABS man.ABS he.ABS-iNTS he-LOC 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(53) ow-si zikwa-l isu-l-ec zu that-OBL man-DAT he-DAT-iNTS he.ABS 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
iha-x-xa
die-cAuS-PST
mutu-lejza mirror-LOC
mutu-lejza mirror-LOC
gicc-a look-PST
ajk-a I.see-PST
2.2.7. Pronominal in "frozen"Ergative +
+ Pronominal in the Target Case + Intensifier
(54) ow-si zikwa is-i zu-c iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he-ERG he.ABS-iNTS die-CAuS-PST 'That man killed himself.'
(55) ow-zu zikwa is-i isu-qol-ec mutu-lejza that-ABS man.ABS he-ERG he-LOC-iNTS mirror-LOC 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(56) ow-si zikwa-l is-i zu-c mutu-lejza that-OBL man-DAT he-ERG he.ABS-iNTS mirror-LOC 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
gicc-a look-PST
ajk-a I.see-PST
(57) m-i m-i you(SG)-ERG you(sg.)-ERG 'You burned yourself.'
(58) ma m-i you(SG).ABS you(SG)-ERG 'You don't believe yourself.'
ma-c
you(SG).ABS-iNTS deb-lo-c
yoU.OBL-LOC-iNTS
ajk-a burn-PST
buz-aj
believe-PST.NEG
2.2.8. Pronominal in the Case of the Antecedent + + Intensifier + Genitive 1 («frozen»)
(59) ow-si zikwa is-i-c
that-OBL man.ERG he-ERG-iNTS 'That man killed himself.'
is-a
he-GENl
iha-x-xa
die-CAuS-PST
(60) ow-zu zikwa zu-c is-a that-ABS man.ABS he.ABS-iNTS he-GEN1 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(61) ow-si zikwa-l isu-l-ec is-a that-OBL man-DAT he-DAT-iNTs he-GEN1 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
2.2.9. Pronominal in the "frozen"Ergative + Intensifier + + Pronominal in the Target Case
Only one example of this type has been recorded:
(62) ow-zu zikwa is-i-c is-u-qo-l mutu-lejza gicc-a that-ABs man.ABs he-ERG-iNTs he-OBL-AD-LAT mirror-LOC look-PsT 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
2.3. Triple Reflexives: Three Pronominal Stems
Triple reflexives consist of more than two pronominal stems. Reflexives of this type have been recorded for other Tsezic languages earlier, although they show less variation than Khwarshi, cf. in the Tladal dialect of Bezhta [Kibrik, Testelets, 2004, p. 291]:
(63) is-ti hin-i zu-zu aXel-lo brother-ERG self-ERG self.ABS-self-ABS I.beat-PST 'Brother beat himself.'
In Bezhta, the triple reflexive employs the double absolutive form of the reflexive zu to denote the direct object with a transitive verb.
2.3.1. Pronominal in the Case of the Antecedent +
+ Genitive 1 («frozen») + Pronominal in the Target Case + Intensifier
(64) ow-si zikwa is-i is-a zu-c iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he-ERG he-GEN1 he.ABs-iNTs die-CAus-PsT 'That man killed himself.'
(65) ow-zu zikwa zu is-a isu-qol-ec mutu-lejza gicc-a that-ABS man.ABS he.ABS he-GEN1 he-LOC-iNTS mirror-LOC look-PST
i—
'That man looked at himself in the mirror.' s
m
(66) ow-si zikwa-l isu-l is-a zu-c mutu-lejza ajk-a 1 that-OBL man-DAT he-DAT he-GEN1 he.ABS-iNTS mirror-LOC I.see-PST
'That man saw himself in the mirror.' 91
mutu-lejza gicc-a mirror-LOC look-PST
mutu-lejza ajk-a mirror-LOC I.see-PST
2.3.2. Ergative («frozen») + Genitive 1 («frozen») + + Pronominal in the Target Case + Intensifier
(67) ow-si zikwa is-i is-a zu-c iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he-ERG he-GENl he.ABS-iNTS die-CAus-PST 'That man killed himself.'
Of course examples with the antecedent and the first component of the reflexive in Ergative like (64) above cannot be distinguished from the construction with the "frozen" Ergative of this type, like in (67).
(68) ow-zu zikwa is-i is-a isu-qol-ec mutu-lejza gicc-a that-ABS man.ABS he-ERG he-GENl he-LOC-iNTS mirror-LOC look-PST 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(69) ow-si zikwa-l is-i is-a zu-c mutu-lejza ajk-a that-OBL man-DAT he-ERG he-GENl he.ABS-iNTS mirror-LOC I.see-PST 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
2.3.3. Pronominal in the Case of the Antecedent + + Genitive 1 («frozen») + Intensifier + + Pronominal in the Target Case
(70) ow-si zikwa is-i is-a-c zu iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he-ERG he-GENl-iNTS he.ABS die-CAus-PST 'That man killed himself.'
(71) ow-zu zikwa zu is-a-c isu-qol mutu-lejza that-ABS man.ABS he.ABS he-GENl-iNTS he-LOC mirror-LOC gicc-a
look-PST
'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(72) ow-si zikwa-l isu-l is-a-c zu mutu-lejza that-OBL man-DAT he-DAT he-GENl-iNTS he.ABS mirror-LOC ajk-a
I.see-PST
'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
| 2.3.4. Ergative («frozen») + Genitive 1 («frozen») + Intensifier + s + Pronominal in the Target Case
m
i (73) ow-si zikwa is-i is-a-c zu iha-x-xa
that-OBL man.ERG he-ERG he-GENl-iNTS he.ABS die-CAus-PST 92 'That man killed himself.'
(74) ow-zu zikwa is-i is-a-c
that-ABS man.ABS he-ERG he-GEN1-iNTS
gicc-a
look-PST
'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(75) ow-si that-OBL ajk-a I.see-PST
zikwa-l man-DAT
is-i
he-ERG
is-a-c
he-GEN1-iNTS
isu-qol mutu-lejza he-LOC mirror-LOC
zu mutu-lejza he.ABS mirror-LOC
'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
2.4. More Reflexives?
Several examples with the II (female human) singular reflexive pronoun have been recorded where the form ila is employed which resembles the Genitive 1 forms of other personal pronouns (dij-a 'my', deb-a 'yours (sg.), is-a 'his', il-a 'our', miz-a 'your (pl.), zid-a 'their'. The difficulty is in that the regular form of Genitive 1 from nouns of II singular is ili-s, with is the nouns' affix of the Genitive 1, cf. (14)-(15) above and (76):
(76) kad ila ili-qol mutu-lejza gica-ha girl.ABS she-GEN1 she-LOC-iNTS mirror-LOC look-PRS 'The girl is looking at herself in the mirror.'
Along with il-a zu, a pronoun with both parts in Genitive, the first part in the irregular form in -a, the second one in the regular form in -is, has been recorded. This kind of reflexive allows for the bound variable interpretation:
(77) hada aminate-l il-a ili-s mutu-l j-akwa-na only Aminat-DAT she-GEN1 she-GEN1 mirror-LOC II-see-EVD 'Only Aminat saw herself in the mirror.'
1. Non-variable reading: 'Nobody else saw Aminat in the mirror' OK
2. Bound variable reading: 'Nobody else saw herself in the mirror' OK
ila may be an irreguality, a special form of "frozen" Genitive 1 for zu (II singular), but this form requires further investigation.
3. Unacceptable combinations f?
and why they may be ungrammatical |
Not all combinations of the same elements have been accepted by speakers. 1 E.g. when both "frozen" cases occur together, the intensifier clitic can f be attached neither to the second (78)-(80) nor to the first (81)—(83) element: 93
(78) *ow-si zikwa is-i is-a-c iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he.ERG he.GENl-iNTS die-CAus-PST expected meaning: 'That man killed himself.'
(79) *ow-zu zikwa is-i is-a-c mutu-lejza gicc-a that-ABS man.ABS he.ERG he.GENl-iNTS mirror-LOC look-PST expected meaning: 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(80) *oj-ti kande-l it-i ili-s-ec mutu-lejza j-ajk-a that-OBL girl-DAT she.ERG she-GENl-iNTS mirror-LOC II-see-PST expected meaning: 'That girl saw herself in the mirror.'
(81) *ow-si zikwa is-i-c is-a iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he.ERG-iNTS he.GENl die-CAUS-PST expected meaning: 'That man killed himself.'
(82) *ow-zu zikwa is-i-c is-a mutu-lejza gicc-a that-ABS man.ABS he.ERG-iNTS he.GENl mirror-LOC look-PST expected meaning: 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(83) *oj-ti kande-l it-i-c iti-s mutu-lejza j-ajk-a that-OBL girl-DAT she.ERG-iNTS she-GENl mirror-LOC II-see-PST expected meaning: 'That girl saw herself in the mirror.'
A tentative generalization may be that with the two "frozen" cases the intensifier is redundant.
Khwarshi does not employ the "frozen" absolutive zu(-c), - even in the Absolutive, unlike the Inkhokwari dialect [Khalilova, 2009, p. l6l] and the Tsez language [Polinsky, 20l5]:
(84) *ow-si zikwa is-i zu zu-c iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he.ERG he.ABS he.ABS-iNTS die-CAUS-PST expected meaning: 'That man killed himself.'
(85) *ow-zu zikwa zu zu isu-qol-ec mutu-lejza gicc-a that-ABS man.ABS he.ABS he.ABS he-LOC-iNTS mirror-LOC look-PST expected meaning: 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(86) *ow-si zikwa-l isu-l zu zu-c mutu-lejza ajk-a that-OBL man-DAT he-DAT he.ABS he.ABS-iNTS mirror-LOC I.see-PST expected meaning: 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
(87) *ow-si zikwa is-i zu-c zu iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he.ERG he.ABS-iNTS he.ABS die-CAUS-PST expected meaning: 'That man killed himself.'
(88) *ow-zu zikwa zu zu-c isu-qol mutu-lejza gicc-a that-ABS man.ABS he.ABS he.ABS-iNTS he-LOC mirror-LOC look-pST expected meaning: 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
(89) *ow-si zikwa-l isu-l zu-c zu mutu-lejza that-OBL man-DAT he-DAT he.ABS-iNTS he.ABS mirror-LOC ajk-a
I.see-PST
expected meaning: 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
There is no reflexive of the structure: Pronominal in the Case of the Antecedent + "frozen" Genitive:
(90) *ow-zu zikwa zu is-a mutu-lejza gicc-a that-ABS man.ABS he.ABS he-GEN mirror-LOC look-PST expected meaning: 'That man looked at himself in the mirror.'
There are no complex (double or triple) reflexives based on the 3rd person pronominal idu:
(91) *ow-si zikwa is-a//id-isa idu iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he.GEN he.ABS die-CAUS-PST expected meaning: 'That man killed himself.'
(92) *ow-si zikwa is-i idu-c iha-x-xa that-OBL man.ERG he-ERG he.ABS-iNTS die-CAUS-PST expected meaning: 'That man killed himself.'
(93) *ow-si zikwa-l idisu-l zu-c mutu-lejza ajk-a that-OBL man-DAT he-DAT he.ABS-iNTS mirror-LOC I.see-PST expected meaning: 'That man saw himself in the mirror.'
4. Lack of orientation
As is the case with many East Caucasian languages, in Khwarshi the reflexives show but very little sensitivity to grammatical hierarchy (in terms of c-command, th-command, hierarchy of the grammatical relations 'subject > direct object > indirect object > arguments of lower status > adjuncts', and the like), e.g. they may be object-oriented, even being themselves in the subject position (first noticed in: [Kibrik, 1980] for Inkhokwari and some other East Caucasian languages and later thoroughly h investigated in Bagvalal, a language of the Andic group, cf. [Ljutikova, 1999, | 2001]). i
In Tsez and Ginukh, two other West Tsezic languages, non-subject orientation is ruled out: the ergative noun phrase can antecede the reflexive 95
in the absolutive in the direct object position, but the opposite pattern is impossible (cf. [Polinsky, 2015; Forker, 2013, p. 672]).
Of all the reflexives listed above, only zu-c seems to be more or less strictly subject-oriented:
(94) a. rasul-i zu-c qwarid uwa-te
Rasul-ERG he-iNTS harm I.do.GNR-NEG 'Rasul won't harm himself.'
b. rasul is-i-c qwarid
Rasul.ABS he.OBL-ERG-iNTS harm 'He himself won't harm Rasul.' *'Rasul won't harm himself.'
uwa-te I.do.GNR-NEG
Double reflexives as subjects, however, allow object orientation:
(95) a. rasul-i is-i zu-c qwarid uwa-te
Rasul-ERG he-ERG he-iNTS harm I.do.GNR-NEG 'Rasul won't harm himself.'
b. rasul is-i zu-c qwarid uwa-te
Rasul.ABS he-ERG he-iNTS harm I.do.GNR-NEG 'Rasul won't harm himself, lit.: "Himself won't harm Rasul"
5. Summary
The Khwarshi reflexive pronouns known so far may be summarized in the following table 2.
To incorporate this overabundance of reflexive constructions in Khwarshi in the typology and theory of anaphora, further investigation is necessary. That the exuberant system outlined above is redundant both syntagmatically and paradigmatically, is obvious - which seems hardly compatible with any formal or functional theory of reflexivity that involves (very differently understood) economy considerations.
Table 2
Reflexive Pronouns in Khwarshi
Antecedent Ergative ("frozen") Genitive ("frozen") Target Case
One stem:
1 - - - zu-c
2 - - - idu-c
Two stems:
3 - is-i is-a -
4 - - is-a zu
5 - - is-a zu-c
6 is-i - - zu-c
7 is-i - - zu
8 is-i-c - - zu
9 - is-i - zu-c
10 is-i-c - is-a -
11 — is-i-c - zu
Three stems:
12 is-i - is-a zu-c
13 - is-i is-a zu-c
14 is-i - is-a-c zu
15 - is-i is-a-c zu
References
Bflring, 2005 - Brning D. Binding Theory. Cambridge, 2005. Forker, 2013 - Forker D. 2013. A Grammar of Hinuq. Berlin/Boston, 2013. Imnajsvili, 1963 - Имнаджишвили Д.С. Дидойский язык в сравнении с гинух-ским и хваршийским языками. Тбилиси, 1963. [Imnajsvili D.S. Didojskij jazyk v sravnenii s ginuxskim i xvarsijskim jazykami [The Dido Language in Comparison with the Ginukh and Khwarshi Languages]. Tbilisi, 1963.]
Karimova, 2014 - Каримова Р.Ш. Хваршинский фольклор (с переводом на русский язык). Leipzig; Makhachkala, 2014. [Karimova R.S. Xvarsinskij fol'klor (s perevodom na russkij jazyk) [Khwarshi Folklore (with Translation into Russian)]. Leipzig; Makhachkala, 2014.]
Kemmer, 1993 - Kemmer S. The Middle Voice. Amsterdam, 1993. Kibrik, 2003 - Кибрик А.Е. Константы и переменные языка. СПб., 2003. [Kibrik A.E. Konstanty i peremennye jazyka [Constants and Variables of Language]. St. Petersburg, 2003.]
Kibrik, 1980 - Кибрик А.Е. Материалы к типологии эргативности. 12. Хваршинский язык. М., 1980. [Kibrik A.E. Materialy k tipologii ergativnosti. 12. Xvarsinskij jazyk [Materials to the Typology of Ergativity. 12. Khwarshi]. Moscow, 1980. (reprinted in: Kibrik, 2003)]
Kibrik, Testelets, 2004 - Kibrik A.E., Testelets Ya.G. Bezhta. The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus. Vol. 3. The North East Caucasian Languages. J. Michael (ed.). Part I. Ann Arbor, 2004. Pp. 275-295.
Khalilova, 2009 - Khalilova Z. A Grammar of Khwarshi. 2009. PhD dis., Leiden University.
Ljutikova, 1999 - Лютикова Е. Без подлежащих и дополнений: рефлек-сивизация в багвалинском языке // Типология и теория языка. От описания к объяснению. К 60-летию Александра Евгеньевича Кибрика / Под ред. Е.В. Рахилиной, Я.Г. Тестельца. М., 1999. С. 303-318. [Ljutikova E.A. Without Subjects and Objects: Reflexivization in Bagvalal. Typology and Linguistic Theory: From Description to Explanation. For the 60th birthday of Aleksandr E. Kibrik. E.V. Rakhilina, Ya.G. Testelets (eds.). Moscow, 1999. Pp. 303-318.]
Ljutikova, 2001 - Лютикова Е.А. Анафорические средства // Багвалинский язык. Грамматика. Тексты. Словари. М., 2001. С. 615-681. [Ljutikova E.A. Anaphoric devices. Bagvalinskij jazyk. Grammatika. Teksty. Slovari. A.E. Kibrik (ed.). Moscow, 2001. Pp. 615-681.]
Polinsky, 2015 - Polinsky M. Tsez Syntax: a Description. Ms. 2015. URL: https:// scholar.harvard.edu/files/mpolinsky/files/polinsky_15_tsez-syntax-a.5_2.pdf
Polinsky, Comrie, 1999 - Polinsky M., Comrie B. Reflexivity in Tsez. Typology and Linguistic Theory: From Description to Explanation. For the 60th birthday of Aleksandr E. Kibrik. E.V. Rakhilina, Ya.G. Testelets (eds.). Moscow, 1999.
ro Pp. 319-339.
i Reinhart, Reuland, 1993 - Reinhart T., Reuland E. Reflexivity. Linguistic Inquiry.
у 1993. Vol. 24. Pp. 657-720.
£ Reuland, 2001 - Reuland E. Primitives of Binding. Linguistic Inquiry. 2001.
| Vol. 32.2. Pp. 439-492.
ISarafutdinova, Levina, 1961 - Шарафутдинова Р., Левина Р. Хваршинский язык (предварительное сообщение) // Вопросы изучения иберийско-кавказских
языков., М., 1961. [Sarafutdinova R., Levina R. The Khwarshi language: A preliminary report. Voprosy izucenija iberijsko-kavkazskix jazykov. E.A. Bokarev (ed.). Moscow, 1961. Pp. 90-122.]
Testelec, Toldova, 1998 - Тестелец Я.Г., Толдова С.Ю. Рефлексивные местоимения в дагестанских языках и типология рефлексива // Вопросы языкознания. 1998. № 4. С. 35-57. [Testelec Ja.G., Toldova S.Ju. Reflexive Pronouns in the Dagestanian languages and the typology of reflexivity. Voprosy jazykoznanija. 1998. No. 4. Pp. 35-57.]
Статья поступила в редакцию 23.10.2018 The article was received on 23.10.2018
Сведения об авторе / About the author
Тестелец Яков Георгиевич - доктор филологических наук; профессор, ведущий научный сотрудник Учебно-научного центра лингвистической типологии Института лингвистики, Российский государственный гуманитарный университет, г. Москва; заведующий Отделом кавказских языков, Институт языкознания РАН, г. Москва.
Yakov G. Testelets - Dr. Phil. Hab.; professor at the Centre for Linguistic Typology of the Institute of Linguistics, Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow; head at the Department of the Caucasian Languages, Institute for Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow
E-mail: testelets@gmail.com
